With rare exceptions, such as Japan

With rare exceptions, such as Japan, the two rankings are in the same descending order. The correlation between GEM and GDI is also strik-ing, although there are some exceptions to this rule: Japan shows a more serious drop in GEM than in GDI and Peru shows a stronger number in GEM than GDI. Japan has fewer opportunities for women to develop than expected from its HDI, and it has even fewer opportu-nities for women to participate in decision-making than expected from its high level of human development rating. On the other hand, Peru-vian women have a greater voice in political, social, and economic decision-making than their general development rating would suggest. Data in Table 4.1 are only for a randomly selected sample; nonetheless, it suggests a complex relationship between women and development. Globalization only increases the complexity of these relationships as societies find that they are less able to control the factors that help shape women’s development.
In the global economy, women are less prepared for the formal job market as well. They are twice victims of poverty and illiteracy; fi rst because they are disproportionately present in these groups, and second, because they have fewer means to escape from them. Out of 550 million working poor in the world, 66 percent are estimated to be women (ILO, 2004). Similarly, two-thirds of the world’s women are illiterate. Their poverty and illiteracy marginalizes them from a society that is increas-ingly dependent on accessing information through technology.
The global economy has pushed a large number of women into the service industry, including hotels, cruise lines, and home cleaning. Their migration to rich countries, following the labor trends, brings challenges not just to their personal working conditions but also to their families and communities. Aguilar believes that “the most distin-guishing mark of globalization is the unprecedented diaspora of migrant women workers from poor exploited nations to more affl uent countries of the North” (2004: 17). These women fill the needs of the global economy; however, they are unable to advance themselves because of the nature of the skills that they acquired in their home country and the lack of opportunities available to them in their country of work (Carr and Chen, 2004: 143). Since 1987, millions of Chinese women have migrated to Canada; however, their fair assimilation is yet to occur. Guida Man reveals that educated women, who would have been highly qualified for jobs in China, are not even entered into the skilled worker category after entering Canada (Man, 2004). Women of color are the lowest paid of all workers in Canada. Scholars believe that the development of skills will be necessary for women to take advantage of future economic opportunities (Man, 2004; Heyzer and Sen, 1994).
The last two decades have witnessed a noticeable increase in informal employment and women comprise a large portion of this sector. Beneria’s study of the Philippines, Thailand, India, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka reveals that the informal sector results in lower earnings, no consistency in work contracts, difficult work conditions, and long hours (Beneria, 2003: 116). Women are concentrated in informal, non-market activities and this work is not regarded as contributing to the national economy. Women’s role as food producers is overlooked and underval-ued as well (Hawthorne, 2004). Ironically, women are not viewed as the primary contributors to the economy, and yet they carry a heavier work burden than men. Data indicate that in comparison to their male counterparts, female workers put in an average of 107 percent more hours in the urban areas of Colombia, Indonesia, Kenya, Nepal, and Venezuela, and 120 percent in the rural areas of Bangladesh, Guate-mala, Kenya, Nepal, and the Philippines (UNDP 2004: 233). In India, Mongolia, and South Africa women are believed to put in 116 percent more hours than men (UNDP 2004: 233).
The distribution of time between market and non-market activities for women is skewed heavily towards non-market for women and towards the market for men (UNDP 2004: 233). On average, 60 percent of women are employed in the market sector and 40 percent in the non-market sector. However, in the urban areas of developing coun-tries, women spend 69 percent in non-market activities and only 31 percent in market activities. In comparison, in developing countries men spend 79 percent of their time in market activities (UNDP 2004: 233).
In summary, women continue to be marginalized and remain eco-nomically disempowered, despite their increased participation in the national and global economy and their advancing literacy rate (Gunter and van der Hoeven, 2004: 25). They remain economically underval-ued, politically silent, and socially stereotyped. The same factors that marginalized women in the industrial era and kept them excluded from their national capitalist economy are keeping them at the periphery of the global economy during the global era. Their lack of access to educa-tion coupled with their role as the primary caregiver forces them out of the formal economy, which in turn pushes them away from receiv-ing a fair market valuation. Since the global economy relies heavily on education and technology, this exclusion only intensifies over time. The impersonal nature of the global economy, in which the production is far removed from the consumer, makes their fight for better wages and working conditions even more difficult. Women become victims twice over: they are victims of inadequate resources because of preva-lent poverty and illiteracy; and they are victims of inaccessibility to the economy because of social and family obligations.

Results (Indonesian) 1:

Dengan pengecualian langka, seperti Jepang, peringkat dua berada di urutan yang sama. Korelasi antara GEM dan GDI juga strik-ing, meskipun ada beberapa pengecualian untuk aturan ini: Jepang menunjukkan lebih serius penurunan permata daripada di GDI dan Peru menunjukkan sejumlah kuat di GEM dari GDI. Jepang memiliki lebih sedikit kesempatan bagi perempuan untuk mengembangkan daripada yang diharapkan dari para IPM, dan memiliki opportu-nities bahkan lebih sedikit bagi perempuan untuk berpartisipasi dalam pengambilan keputusan daripada yang diharapkan dari tingkat tinggi peringkat pembangunan manusia. Di sisi lain, Peru-vian perempuan memiliki suara yang lebih besar dalam pengambilan keputusan politik, sosial, dan ekonomi daripada rating pembangunan mereka akan menyarankan. Data dalam tabel 4.1 adalah hanya untuk satu sampel yang dipilih secara acak; Meskipun demikian, hal itu menunjukkan hubungan yang kompleks antara perempuan dan pembangunan. Globalisasi hanya meningkatkan kompleksitas hubungan ini sebagai studi masyarakat kurang mampu mengendalikan faktor-faktor yang membantu pengembangan bentuk perempuan.Dalam ekonomi global, wanita yang kurang siap untuk pasar kerja formal serta. Mereka adalah dua kali korban kemiskinan dan buta huruf; Kesan pertama karena mereka tidak proporsional hadir dalam kelompok ini, dan kedua, karena mereka memiliki lebih sedikit sarana untuk melarikan diri dari mereka. Dari 550 juta pekerja miskin di dunia, 66 persen diperkirakan perempuan (ILO, 2004). Demikian pula, dua-pertiga dari perempuan di dunia buta huruf. Kemiskinan dan buta mereka membuat mereka dari masyarakat yang semakin meningkat-ingly tergantung pada mengakses informasi melalui teknologi.Ekonomi global telah mendorong sejumlah besar perempuan ke dalam industri jasa, termasuk hotel, jalur pelayaran, dan Pembersihan rumah. Migrasi mereka ke negara-negara kaya, mengikuti tren tenaga kerja, membawa tantangan tidak hanya untuk kondisi kerja mereka pribadi, tetapi juga untuk keluarga dan masyarakat. Aguilar percaya bahwa "tanda paling distin-guishing globalisasi adalah belum pernah terjadi sebelumnya diaspora pekerja migran perempuan dari negara-negara miskin yang dieksploitasi ke lebih banyak negara uent affl Utara" (2004: 17). fill wanita ini kebutuhan ekonomi global; Namun, mereka tidak mampu untuk memajukan diri karena sifat keterampilan yang mereka peroleh di negara asal mereka dan kurangnya peluang yang tersedia bagi mereka di negara mereka kerja (Carr dan Chen, 2004:143). Sejak 1987, jutaan wanita Cina telah bermigrasi ke Kanada; Namun, asimilasi adil mereka masih belum terjadi. Petunjuk manusia mengungkapkan bahwa perempuan berpendidikan, yang pasti sangat qualified untuk pekerjaan di Cina, yang tidak bahkan dimasukkan ke dalam kategori pekerja terampil setelah memasuki Kanada (Man, 2004). Wanita warna yang terendah dibayar dari semua pekerja di Kanada. Para peneliti percaya bahwa pengembangan keterampilan akan diperlukan untuk wanita untuk mengambil keuntungan dari peluang ekonomi di masa depan (manusia, 2004; Heyzer dan Sen, 1994).The last two decades have witnessed a noticeable increase in informal employment and women comprise a large portion of this sector. Beneria’s study of the Philippines, Thailand, India, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka reveals that the informal sector results in lower earnings, no consistency in work contracts, difficult work conditions, and long hours (Beneria, 2003: 116). Women are concentrated in informal, non-market activities and this work is not regarded as contributing to the national economy. Women’s role as food producers is overlooked and underval-ued as well (Hawthorne, 2004). Ironically, women are not viewed as the primary contributors to the economy, and yet they carry a heavier work burden than men. Data indicate that in comparison to their male counterparts, female workers put in an average of 107 percent more hours in the urban areas of Colombia, Indonesia, Kenya, Nepal, and Venezuela, and 120 percent in the rural areas of Bangladesh, Guate-mala, Kenya, Nepal, and the Philippines (UNDP 2004: 233). In India, Mongolia, and South Africa women are believed to put in 116 percent more hours than men (UNDP 2004: 233).The distribution of time between market and non-market activities for women is skewed heavily towards non-market for women and towards the market for men (UNDP 2004: 233). On average, 60 percent of women are employed in the market sector and 40 percent in the non-market sector. However, in the urban areas of developing coun-tries, women spend 69 percent in non-market activities and only 31 percent in market activities. In comparison, in developing countries men spend 79 percent of their time in market activities (UNDP 2004: 233).In summary, women continue to be marginalized and remain eco-nomically disempowered, despite their increased participation in the national and global economy and their advancing literacy rate (Gunter and van der Hoeven, 2004: 25). They remain economically underval-ued, politically silent, and socially stereotyped. The same factors that marginalized women in the industrial era and kept them excluded from their national capitalist economy are keeping them at the periphery of the global economy during the global era. Their lack of access to educa-tion coupled with their role as the primary caregiver forces them out of the formal economy, which in turn pushes them away from receiv-ing a fair market valuation. Since the global economy relies heavily on education and technology, this exclusion only intensifies over time. The impersonal nature of the global economy, in which the production is far removed from the consumer, makes their fight for better wages and working conditions even more difficult. Women become victims twice over: they are victims of inadequate resources because of preva-lent poverty and illiteracy; and they are victims of inaccessibility to the economy because of social and family obligations.