7. Componential Analysis of RegionalityLexical changes are among the m translation - 7. Componential Analysis of RegionalityLexical changes are among the m Indonesian how to say

7. Componential Analysis of Regiona

7. Componential Analysis of Regionality
Lexical changes are among the most common, and probably the most rapid, of all
linguistic changes. Because the lexicon is relatively accessible to consciousness, people
Regionality Chambers—19
are often more or less aware that lexical changes are taking place. They can sometimes
find reasons for them as well. Words come to be associated with certain social groups,
and their currency waxes or wanes depending upon the social status of the group. When a
word declines in frequency, it almost invariably goes through a period when its use
becomes increasingly restricted to older people. This association is usually accompanied
by social evaluations of it as outmoded or unfashionable. Adolescents, to take the most
obvious case, seldom emulate their parents’ generation in matters of fashion, broadly
construed not only as hemlines and dance steps but also vocabulary. In Canada, a salient
recent change was the replacement of chesterfield by couch, marking the loss of an
indigenous Canadianism in favor of the northeastern American word in the span of about
70 years (Chambers 1995). “Oh yeah, my mother calls it that,” replied a teenager in 1979
on being asked whether he knew the word chesterfield. Two decades later, the word was
heard mainly in the speech of the grandparents’ generation. It becomes quaint, and it is
doomed.
The root cause of such changes seems to be nothing more profound than fashion. In
Robert Hall’s terms (1964: 298): “Every human language…has been re-made in
accordance with our whims since the confusion of the Tower of Babel…and since
[humankind] is a most unstable and variable being, language cannot be long-lasting or
stable; but like other human things, such as customs and dress, it has to vary in space or
time.”
Of course, the replacement of one word by another requires as a precursor the availability
in the community of a variant that can replace it. Here is where regionality can provide
insights, by registering the occurrence of interloper variants and tracking their
distribution in the community. Regionality makes concrete what was previously known
only impressionistically and should in that way bring us closer to an explicit
understanding of how linguistic change takes place.
The three case studies considered above appear disparate, but when we look more closely
they reveal certain common elements and in fact seem to be linked as different steps in
the replacement process.
Looking first at the aggregated RIs for running shoe/runner in the Golden Horseshoe and
soft drink in Quebec City (Tables 6 and 8 above), the two processes share at least one
gross similarity, namely:
• both isolate RI 1-3 as the most conservative sub-group.
As already noted, RI 1-3 share the traits “born, raised, living in region.” Here is empirical
confirmation that the indigenes are the best sources for the most conservative speech
forms, supporting the dialectologists’ age-old predilection for nonmobility as a criterion
for choosing informants.
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7. Componential Analysis of RegionalityLexical changes are among the most common, and probably the most rapid, of alllinguistic changes. Because the lexicon is relatively accessible to consciousness, peopleRegionality Chambers—19are often more or less aware that lexical changes are taking place. They can sometimesfind reasons for them as well. Words come to be associated with certain social groups,and their currency waxes or wanes depending upon the social status of the group. When aword declines in frequency, it almost invariably goes through a period when its usebecomes increasingly restricted to older people. This association is usually accompaniedby social evaluations of it as outmoded or unfashionable. Adolescents, to take the mostobvious case, seldom emulate their parents’ generation in matters of fashion, broadlyconstrued not only as hemlines and dance steps but also vocabulary. In Canada, a salientrecent change was the replacement of chesterfield by couch, marking the loss of anindigenous Canadianism in favor of the northeastern American word in the span of about70 years (Chambers 1995). “Oh yeah, my mother calls it that,” replied a teenager in 1979on being asked whether he knew the word chesterfield. Two decades later, the word washeard mainly in the speech of the grandparents’ generation. It becomes quaint, and it isdoomed.The root cause of such changes seems to be nothing more profound than fashion. InRobert Hall’s terms (1964: 298): “Every human language…has been re-made inaccordance with our whims since the confusion of the Tower of Babel…and since[humankind] is a most unstable and variable being, language cannot be long-lasting orstable; but like other human things, such as customs and dress, it has to vary in space ortime.”Of course, the replacement of one word by another requires as a precursor the availabilityin the community of a variant that can replace it. Here is where regionality can provideinsights, by registering the occurrence of interloper variants and tracking theirdistribution in the community. Regionality makes concrete what was previously knownonly impressionistically and should in that way bring us closer to an explicitunderstanding of how linguistic change takes place.The three case studies considered above appear disparate, but when we look more closelythey reveal certain common elements and in fact seem to be linked as different steps inthe replacement process.Looking first at the aggregated RIs for running shoe/runner in the Golden Horseshoe andsoft drink in Quebec City (Tables 6 and 8 above), the two processes share at least onegross similarity, namely:• both isolate RI 1-3 as the most conservative sub-group.As already noted, RI 1-3 share the traits “born, raised, living in region.” Here is empiricalconfirmation that the indigenes are the best sources for the most conservative speechforms, supporting the dialectologists’ age-old predilection for nonmobility as a criterionfor choosing informants.
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7. componential Analisis regionalitas
perubahan leksikal adalah yang paling umum, dan mungkin yang paling cepat, semua
perubahan linguistik. Karena leksikon relatif diakses kesadaran, orang
regionalitas Chambers-19
sering lebih atau kurang menyadari bahwa perubahan leksikal sedang berlangsung. Mereka kadang-kadang dapat
menemukan alasan untuk mereka juga. Kata datang untuk dihubungkan dengan kelompok sosial tertentu,
dan mata uang mereka lilin atau berkurang tergantung pada status sosial kelompok. Ketika
kata menurun dalam frekuensi, hampir selalu melewati periode ketika penggunaannya
menjadi semakin terbatas kepada orang-orang yang lebih tua. Asosiasi ini biasanya disertai
dengan evaluasi sosial sebagai ketinggalan zaman atau ketinggalan zaman. Remaja, untuk mengambil yang paling
kasus jelas, jarang meniru generasi orangtua mereka dalam hal fashion, secara luas
dianggap tidak hanya sebagai hemlines dan langkah tari tetapi juga kosa kata. Di Kanada, sebuah menonjol
perubahan terbaru adalah penggantian chesterfield oleh sofa, menandai hilangnya sebuah
Canadianism adat mendukung kata Amerika timur laut dalam rentang sekitar
70 tahun (Chambers 1995). "Oh ya, ibu saya menyebutnya itu," jawab remaja pada tahun 1979
saat ditanyai apakah ia tahu kata chesterfield. Dua dekade kemudian, kata itu
terdengar terutama dalam pidato generasi kakek-nenek '. Hal ini menjadi aneh, dan itu
pasti.
Akar penyebab perubahan tersebut tampaknya tidak lebih besar daripada fashion. Dalam
hal Robert Hall (1964: 298): "Setiap bahasa manusia ... telah kembali dibuat dalam
sesuai dengan keinginan kami sejak kebingungan Menara Babel ... dan karena
[manusia] adalah makhluk yang paling tidak stabil dan variabel, bahasa bisa tidak tahan lama atau
stabil; tapi seperti hal manusia lainnya, seperti bea cukai dan gaun, itu harus bervariasi dalam ruang atau
waktu. "
Tentu saja, penggantian satu kata dengan yang lain membutuhkan sebagai prekursor ketersediaan
di komunitas varian yang bisa menggantikannya. Di sinilah regionalitas dapat memberikan
wawasan, dengan mendaftarkan terjadinya varian penyelundup dan pelacakan mereka
distribusi di masyarakat. Regionalitas membuat beton apa yang sebelumnya dikenal
hanya impresionistis dan harus dengan cara yang membawa kita lebih dekat dengan eksplisit
pemahaman tentang bagaimana perubahan linguistik terjadi.
Tiga studi kasus dianggap di atas muncul berbeda, tetapi ketika kita melihat lebih dekat
mereka mengungkapkan elemen umum tertentu dan di Bahkan tampaknya dikaitkan sebagai langkah yang berbeda dalam
proses penggantian.
Melihat pertama di RIs agregat untuk menjalankan sepatu / juara di Golden Horseshoe dan
minuman ringan di Kota Quebec (Tabel 6 dan 8 di atas), dua proses berbagi setidaknya satu
bruto kesamaan, yaitu:
• kedua mengisolasi RI 1-3 sebagai sub-kelompok yang paling konservatif.
seperti telah dicatat, RI 1-3 berbagi sifat "lahir, dibesarkan, tinggal di wilayah." Berikut adalah empiris
konfirmasi bahwa pribumi adalah yang terbaik sumber untuk sebagian besar pidato konservatif
bentuk, mendukung predileksi usia tua dialectologists 'untuk nonmobility sebagai kriteria
untuk memilih informan.
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