Heath's classic account of literacy

Heath's classic account of literacy in three different communities in the Piedmont Carolinas likewise avoids the simple dichotomy between oral and literate that was standard in the literature until recently. She starts from the principle that literacy events are always embedded in oral events and that much of the linguistic practice is better understood in terms of the particular “mix” of channels than through analysis of each one separately. For instance, she describes the receipt of a letter by a woman in Trackton (a black, working-class community in the Piedmont Carolinas) as a communal activity in which friends and relatives cluster around her on a veranda and discuss its meaning. They interact with the written text, make oral commentaries, suggest interpretations and begin to develop the basis for a written reply: The whole is, in a sense, greater than the sum of its parts and, in order to describe this, linguists and ethnographers needed new concepts and analytic tools that avoided the
reductionism of the oral/literate dichotomy. Baynham (1993) adopts a similar perspective in studying aspects of the linguistic repertoire among the Moroccan community in London. He focuses on the notion “mediators of literacy” as a communicative practice and compares it to the involvement of interpreters, formal and informal. He suggests that there are interesting comparisons and overlaps between mediated literacy events and communicative events in which interpreters are involved. Both communicative events, mediated literacy events and events involving interpreting, are common in the setting from which the data are drawn – the Moroccan community settled in West London. Community members who regularly function as mediators of literacy on a semiformal basis, such as volunteers in a community organization, are often drawn into interpreting as well. The two event types contrast in that mediated literacy events are typically a mix of oral and literate modes around some kind of “work on text” – what he terms “mode-switching” in an analogy with the sociolinguist's “code-switching” – while the interpreting event favors the oral mode, though not of course excluding the literate. His
approach also extends the work on emergent sociolinguistic repertoires of second-generation
community members with specific reference to literacy practices (Weinstein-Shr, 1993; TESOL
Quarterly, 1993).

Results (Malay) 1:

Kira klasik Heath Literasi dalam tiga komuniti yang berbeza pada Piedmont Carolinas begitu juga mengelakkan dalam konteks yang mudah antara lisan dan celik yang standard dalam kesusasteraan sehingga baru-baru. Dia bermula dari prinsip bahawa peristiwa-peristiwa Literasi sentiasa tertanam dalam aktiviti lisan dan bahawa sebahagian besar amalan Linguistik adalah lebih baik difahami dari segi tertentu "campuran" saluran daripada melalui analisis setiap satu secara berasingan. Sebagai contoh, beliau menggambarkan penerimaan Surat oleh seorang wanita dalam Trackton (hitam, kawasan komuniti di Piedmont Carolinas) aktiviti berkumpulan di mana rakan-rakan dan saudara-mara mengumpulkan di sekelilingnya di beranda dan membincangkan maksudnya. Mereka berinteraksi dengan teks bertulis, membuat komentari lisan, mencadangkan tafsiran dan mula untuk membangunkan asas bagi jawapan bertulis: keseluruhan, dalam erti kata, lebih besar daripada jumlah bahagian-bahagian itu dan, bagi menggambarkan ini, juru bahasa dan ethnographers yang diperlukan konsep baru dan alat analitik yang dielakkan dalamreductionism of the oral/literate dichotomy. Baynham (1993) adopts a similar perspective in studying aspects of the linguistic repertoire among the Moroccan community in London. He focuses on the notion “mediators of literacy” as a communicative practice and compares it to the involvement of interpreters, formal and informal. He suggests that there are interesting comparisons and overlaps between mediated literacy events and communicative events in which interpreters are involved. Both communicative events, mediated literacy events and events involving interpreting, are common in the setting from which the data are drawn – the Moroccan community settled in West London. Community members who regularly function as mediators of literacy on a semiformal basis, such as volunteers in a community organization, are often drawn into interpreting as well. The two event types contrast in that mediated literacy events are typically a mix of oral and literate modes around some kind of “work on text” – what he terms “mode-switching” in an analogy with the sociolinguist's “code-switching” – while the interpreting event favors the oral mode, though not of course excluding the literate. Hisapproach also extends the work on emergent sociolinguistic repertoires of second-generationcommunity members with specific reference to literacy practices (Weinstein-Shr, 1993; TESOLQuarterly, 1993).

Results (Malay) 2:

Akaun klasik Heath celik dalam tiga komuniti yang berbeza di Carolinas Piedmont juga mengelakkan dikotomi mudah antara lisan dan celik itu adalah standard dalam kesusasteraan sehingga baru-baru. Dia bermula dari prinsip bahawa peristiwa celik sentiasa tertanam dalam aktiviti lisan dan bahawa banyak amalan bahasa yang lebih difahami dari segi "campuran" tertentu saluran daripada melalui analisis setiap satu secara berasingan. Sebagai contoh, dia menggambarkan penerimaan surat oleh seorang wanita dalam Trackton (a masyarakat kulit hitam, kelas pekerja di Carolinas Piedmont) sebagai aktiviti kemasyarakatan di mana rakan-rakan dan saudara-mara berkumpul di sekelilingnya di beranda dan membincangkan maknanya. Mereka berinteraksi dengan teks bertulis, membuat ulasan-ulasan lisan, mencadangkan tafsiran dan mula untuk membangunkan asas bagi jawapan bertulis: Keseluruhannya adalah, dalam erti kata, lebih besar daripada jumlah bahagian-bahagiannya dan, untuk menggambarkan ini, ahli bahasa dan etnografi konsep baru yang diperlukan dan alat-alat analisis yang dielakkan
reduksionisme daripada dikotomi lisan / celik. Baynham (1993) menerima pakai pandangan yang sama dalam mengkaji aspek himpunan bahasa di kalangan masyarakat Maghribi di London. Beliau memberi tumpuan kepada tanggapan "mediator celik" sebagai amalan komunikasi dan membandingkannya dengan penglibatan jurubahasa, formal dan tidak formal. Beliau mencadangkan bahawa terdapat perbandingan yang menarik dan bertindih antara peristiwa celik pengantara dan aktiviti komunikasi di mana jurubahasa yang terlibat. Kedua-dua peristiwa komunikatif, peristiwa celik pengantara dan acara-acara yang melibatkan pentafsiran, adalah perkara biasa dalam suasana dari mana data telah disediakan - masyarakat Maghribi menetap di Barat London. Ahli-ahli masyarakat yang sering berfungsi sebagai mediator celik secara semiformal, seperti sukarelawan dalam organisasi masyarakat, sering ditarik ke dalam mentafsirkan juga. Kedua-dua jenis acara bezakan di bahawa peristiwa celik pengantara biasanya campuran mod lisan dan celik sekitar beberapa jenis "kerja-kerja teks" - apa yang dipandang "Mod-switching" dalam analogi dengan sociolinguist ini "kod-switching" - sementara Sekiranya mentafsir nikmat mod lisan, walaupun tidak sudah tentu tidak termasuk celik. Beliau
pendekatan juga meliputi kerja pada repertoir sosiolinguistik muncul generasi kedua
ahli komuniti dengan merujuk khusus untuk amalan literasi (Weinstein-Shr, 1993; TESOL
Suku Tahunan, 1993).