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Thus the boundary line is “ragged” in this situation. Box .d illustrates astandoff between an assertive manager and an equally assertive council. Eachchecks and contains the other without the council’s taking complete control orthe manager’s getting what is believed to be deserved administrative discretion.These models capture and illustrate some of the rich variation found in man-agerial and bureaucratic responses to political control in council-manager-formcities. Other research indicates that the structure of council-manager cities ischanging. At one time, most council members in council-manager cities wereelected at-large; now they are elected by district. It used to be, too, that councilswere strictly part-time and made up of usually white, male business leaders; nowcouncil members are increasingly full-time, increasingly paid, are more often fe-male, are more often persons of color, have staff assigned to them, have workingspaces in city hall, and have access to city vehicles and that modern symbol of realpower: the cell phone (Renner and DeSantis ; Bledsoe ).Mayors in council-manager-form cities were once primarily ceremonial, merelythe senior member of the council. Now they are increasingly directly elected asmayor, are paid, work full-time, have staff, and so forth. Council-manager citiesthat have made these structural changes are called “adapted cities” and clearly havemoved toward greater political control of the city bureaucracy (Frederickson, John-son, and Wood, ).In researching this issue, Greg J. Protasel () found that council-manager-form cities that are now “adapted cities” seldom abandon the council-managerform. But council-manager cities that are not adapted are more likely to abandonthe model in favor of the strong-mayor model. This is, following Protasel, becauseof the leadership gap illustrated in Figure .. The figure, which uses the Svarafour-part functional description of city governmental activities turned on its side,describes functions that are exclusive to the council or the manager, functions thatare shared, and a gap in leadership. When cities fill that gap by adapting, theytend to retain the council-manager form. When they leave a leadership vacuum orthe manager attempts to fill it, more likely abandonment of the council-managerform will be considered.It is evident from the study of the council-manager form of city governmentthat the use of policy and administration as units of analysis does illuminate thetheory of public administration. Further, theories addressing the political controlof bureaucracy can easily be tested by using political and administrative variables.This suggests that, although the simple policy-administration dichotomy is with-out empirical support, a nuanced conception of policy and politics, on the onehand, and administration, on the other, does account for or explain variations
among organizations or cities as to the degree of political control of bureaucracy,
as well as some of the character or quality of that control or its absence.
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