Thus the boundary line is “ragged” in this situation. Box .d illustr translation - Thus the boundary line is “ragged” in this situation. Box .d illustr Indonesian how to say

Thus the boundary line is “ragged”

Thus the boundary line is “ragged” in this situation. Box .d illustrates a
standoff between an assertive manager and an equally assertive council. Each
checks and contains the other without the council’s taking complete control or
the manager’s getting what is believed to be deserved administrative discretion.
These models capture and illustrate some of the rich variation found in man-
agerial and bureaucratic responses to political control in council-manager-form
cities. Other research indicates that the structure of council-manager cities is
changing. At one time, most council members in council-manager cities were
elected at-large; now they are elected by district. It used to be, too, that councils
were strictly part-time and made up of usually white, male business leaders; now
council members are increasingly full-time, increasingly paid, are more often fe-
male, are more often persons of color, have staff assigned to them, have working
spaces in city hall, and have access to city vehicles and that modern symbol of real
power: the cell phone (Renner and DeSantis ; Bledsoe ).
Mayors in council-manager-form cities were once primarily ceremonial, merely
the senior member of the council. Now they are increasingly directly elected as
mayor, are paid, work full-time, have staff, and so forth. Council-manager cities
that have made these structural changes are called “adapted cities” and clearly have
moved toward greater political control of the city bureaucracy (Frederickson, John-
son, and Wood, ).
In researching this issue, Greg J. Protasel () found that council-manager-
form cities that are now “adapted cities” seldom abandon the council-manager
form. But council-manager cities that are not adapted are more likely to abandon
the model in favor of the strong-mayor model. This is, following Protasel, because
of the leadership gap illustrated in Figure .. The figure, which uses the Svara
four-part functional description of city governmental activities turned on its side,
describes functions that are exclusive to the council or the manager, functions that
are shared, and a gap in leadership. When cities fill that gap by adapting, they
tend to retain the council-manager form. When they leave a leadership vacuum or
the manager attempts to fill it, more likely abandonment of the council-manager
form will be considered.
It is evident from the study of the council-manager form of city government
that the use of policy and administration as units of analysis does illuminate the
theory of public administration. Further, theories addressing the political control
of bureaucracy can easily be tested by using political and administrative variables.
This suggests that, although the simple policy-administration dichotomy is with-
out empirical support, a nuanced conception of policy and politics, on the one
hand, and administration, on the other, does account for or explain variations
among organizations or cities as to the degree of political control of bureaucracy,
as well as some of the character or quality of that control or its absence.
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Thus the boundary line is “ragged” in this situation. Box .d illustrates astandoff between an assertive manager and an equally assertive council. Eachchecks and contains the other without the council’s taking complete control orthe manager’s getting what is believed to be deserved administrative discretion.These models capture and illustrate some of the rich variation found in man-agerial and bureaucratic responses to political control in council-manager-formcities. Other research indicates that the structure of council-manager cities ischanging. At one time, most council members in council-manager cities wereelected at-large; now they are elected by district. It used to be, too, that councilswere strictly part-time and made up of usually white, male business leaders; nowcouncil members are increasingly full-time, increasingly paid, are more often fe-male, are more often persons of color, have staff assigned to them, have workingspaces in city hall, and have access to city vehicles and that modern symbol of realpower: the cell phone (Renner and DeSantis ; Bledsoe ).Mayors in council-manager-form cities were once primarily ceremonial, merelythe senior member of the council. Now they are increasingly directly elected asmayor, are paid, work full-time, have staff, and so forth. Council-manager citiesthat have made these structural changes are called “adapted cities” and clearly havemoved toward greater political control of the city bureaucracy (Frederickson, John-son, and Wood, ).In researching this issue, Greg J. Protasel () found that council-manager-form cities that are now “adapted cities” seldom abandon the council-managerform. But council-manager cities that are not adapted are more likely to abandonthe model in favor of the strong-mayor model. This is, following Protasel, becauseof the leadership gap illustrated in Figure .. The figure, which uses the Svarafour-part functional description of city governmental activities turned on its side,describes functions that are exclusive to the council or the manager, functions thatare shared, and a gap in leadership. When cities fill that gap by adapting, theytend to retain the council-manager form. When they leave a leadership vacuum orthe manager attempts to fill it, more likely abandonment of the council-managerform will be considered.It is evident from the study of the council-manager form of city governmentthat the use of policy and administration as units of analysis does illuminate thetheory of public administration. Further, theories addressing the political controlof bureaucracy can easily be tested by using political and administrative variables.This suggests that, although the simple policy-administration dichotomy is with-out empirical support, a nuanced conception of policy and politics, on the onehand, and administration, on the other, does account for or explain variations
among organizations or cities as to the degree of political control of bureaucracy,
as well as some of the character or quality of that control or its absence.
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Dengan demikian garis batas adalah "compang-camping" dalam situasi ini. Kotak .d menggambarkan
kebuntuan antara manajer tegas dan dewan sama tegas. Setiap
cek dan berisi yang lain tanpa mengambil kontrol penuh dewan atau
manajer mendapatkan apa yang diyakini pantas diskresi administratif.
Model ini menangkap dan menggambarkan beberapa variasi yang kaya ditemukan di mandat
tanggapan agerial dan birokrasi untuk kontrol politik di dewan-manajer -form
kota. Penelitian lain menunjukkan bahwa struktur kota dewan-manajer yang
berubah. Pada suatu waktu, sebagian besar anggota dewan di kota dewan-manajer yang
terpilih di-besar; sekarang mereka dipilih oleh kabupaten. Dulu juga, bahwa dewan
yang ketat paruh waktu dan terdiri dari biasanya putih, pemimpin bisnis laki-laki; sekarang
anggota dewan semakin penuh waktu, semakin dibayar, lebih sering fe-
laki-laki, lebih sering orang dari warna, memiliki staf yang ditugaskan kepada mereka, memiliki bekerja
ruang di balai kota, dan memiliki akses ke kendaraan kota dan simbol modern nyata
kekuasaan. ponsel (Renner dan DeSantis ; Bledsoe )
Walikota di dewan-manajer-bentuk kota yang sekali terutama seremonial, hanya
anggota senior dewan. Sekarang mereka semakin langsung terpilih sebagai
walikota, dibayar, bekerja penuh waktu, memiliki staf, dan sebagainya. Dewan-manajer kota
yang telah membuat perubahan struktural disebut "kota diadaptasi" dan jelas telah
bergerak menuju kontrol politik yang lebih besar dari birokrasi kota (Frederickson, John-
anak, dan Wood, ).
Dalam meneliti masalah ini, Greg J. Protasel () menemukan bahwa dewan-manajer-
bentuk kota yang sekarang "diadaptasi kota" jarang meninggalkan dewan-manajer
bentuk. Tapi kota dewan-manajer yang tidak disesuaikan lebih mungkin untuk meninggalkan
model dalam mendukung model yang kuat-walikota. Ini, berikut Protasel, karena
kesenjangan kepemimpinan diilustrasikan pada Gambar .. The angka, yang menggunakan Svara
empat bagian deskripsi fungsional dari kegiatan pemerintah kota berbalik pada sisinya,
menjelaskan fungsi yang eksklusif untuk dewan atau manajer, fungsi yang
dibagi, dan kesenjangan dalam kepemimpinan. Ketika kota fi ll gap yang dengan mengadaptasi, mereka
cenderung mempertahankan bentuk dewan-manajer. Ketika mereka meninggalkan kekosongan kepemimpinan atau
upaya manajer untuk mengisi itu, lebih mungkin ditinggalkannya dewan-manajer
bentuk akan dipertimbangkan.
Hal ini terbukti dari studi tentang bentuk dewan-manajer pemerintah kota
bahwa penggunaan kebijakan dan administrasi sebagai unit analisis yang menerangi
teori administrasi publik. Selanjutnya, teori mengatasi kontrol politik
birokrasi dapat dengan mudah diuji dengan menggunakan variabel politik dan administrasi.
Hal ini menunjukkan bahwa, meskipun sederhana kebijakan-administrasi dikotomi yang dengan-
keluar dukungan empiris, konsepsi bernuansa kebijakan dan politik, di satu
sisi , dan administrasi, di sisi lain, tidak account untuk atau menjelaskan variasi
antara organisasi atau kota untuk tingkat kontrol politik birokrasi,
serta beberapa karakter atau kualitas kontrol yang atau ketiadaan.
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