1.8 “Educatedness” and its alternat

1.8 “Educatedness” and its alternatives

Another explanation of the persistence of both nonstandard accents and dialects is provided (Honey, forthcoming) by an alternative description of the two sets of values which are involved in the choice of either form. By this analysis, standard forms are the expression of a complex of values associated with being in the mainstream of society, and with educatedness, which is in its turn associated with literacy. In contrast, nonstandard forms express local or regional particularism (with some of the functions of what in other contexts is called tribalism) and the rejection of (or dissociation from) a high regard for education. As Mattheier (1980; see also Barbour and Stevenson, 1990: 100–1) has shown, the process of modernization which involves urbanization and mass education also tends to promote the establishment of widely accepted or “mainstream” norms and values. Life in modernized societies puts an ever greater premium on qualities of occupational competence which are also increasingly tied to educatedness. Underlying a respect for educatedness is a set of attitudes towards literacy: As Barton (1994: 48) has put it, “every person, adult or child, has a view of literacy, about what it is and what it can do for them, about its importance and its limitations.” Literacy as a historical phenomenon has been explored by many scholars, and though its implications have in particular respects been exaggerated, its general cognitive implications over time are so important as to mark it out as a catalyst which has helped to “transform human consciousness” and make it “essential for the realization of fuller, interior, human goals” (Ong, 1982: 78, 82; cf. also Honey, 1988a). Since literacy is embedded in language, standard forms of language (including accent) tend to be perceived as the only appropriate vehicles for education and literacy, while nonstandard forms thrive among those who have been disappointed in their own experience of formal education. Add to this a generational factor and the characteristic anti-authority phase of adolescence, and we are not surprised to find nonstandard accents and other forms adopted (indeed learned) as a badge among adolescents, including Black American gang members (Labov, 1972a: chapter 7), British teenagers in Reading (Cheshire, 1982) or young blacks in London and other parts of Britain (Sutcliffe, 1982; Sebba, 1993). Among some such peer groups, especially males, the value system which this nonstandard language encodes includes attitudes which, as well as rejecting or disparaging mainstream deference to “educatedness,” are demeaning to women and glorify criminality, violence, and drug use. Though such varieties frequently celebrate macho values, many studies report that, in general, women have a stronger tendency than men to adapt their speech to the standard variety, and also to evaluate standard accents more highly (Cheshire, 1983: 44). Trudgill (see Chambers and Trudgill, 1980: 98–100) has proposed a useful distinction between overt prestige, which involves respect for mainstream norms, and covert prestige, which reflects the scale of values within a smaller social group, in which there is nevertheless a kind of respect for the mainstream forms (often perceived as “upper-class”) as being in some sense “right” (see also Hudson, 1980: 201). Such conflicting motivations help explain the much greater instability of the phonological systems of nonstandard varieties (compared with the standard), the unreliability of such speakers in reporting on or judging their own use of particular features, and their blatant pretence (to researchers) that they themselves use the standard forms. Moreover, they help explain why such face-to-face communities may have to be more blatantly coercive than any school system in trying to maintain their own prescriptive norms, so that physical violence may be invoked to discipline deviations such as the use of a standard rather than the local nonstandard vowel in a particular word (J. and L. Milroy, 1991: 18–19, 58). Forms of local particularism or “tribalism” were expressed in a much earlier period in distinctive dress and social customs, but never more powerfully than by that most basic aspect of a group member's identity, spoken language.

The theme of George Bernard Shaw's Pygmalion (1912) (made into a musical (1956) and later filmed as My Fair Lady) was the transformation of a Cockney flower-girl into a potential duchess by changing her accent (i.e., in the direction of RP; Shaw did not make clear that the “marked” form was the more appropriate one). Modern sociolinguists tend to argue that accent and dialect stereotyping is inappropriate since any accent or dialect can be the vehicle of educated discourse (e.g., Trudgill, 1975: chapter 4; Trudgill, 1994: 2, 6). However, precisely because of the fact that different accents and dialects encode different value-systems, it is unreasonable to expect the linguistic expression of such differences to be disregarded while the underlying value-systems, which are the raison d'être for those accents and dialects, remain different. There are serious obstacles to the mixing of lexical, grammatical, as well as phonological features of varieties which are perceived as functionally appropriate to specific domains, and thus as not being congruent (for the concept of linguistic congruence see Honey (forthcoming). This concept of congruence/incongruence helps to explain why, although it is theoretically possible for standard English to be spoken with any accent (cf. Stubbs, 1976, quoted in section 1.5), in practice it is never heard spoken in the most basilectal accents.

Since the concept of “educatedness” is fundamental in sociophonology, we need to emphasize that this is a changing concept. We saw that connection with royal courts and with the governing classes was originally the defining characteristic of standard accents, but that at an early stage there grew up alongside it a standard of educated speech, originally limited to the tiny fraction of the population who experienced extended education but later, with the advent of mass education systems, accessible to all. In the second half of the twentieth century, in countries like Britain, the category of educated people whose accents define RP is thus an ever widening one, and now speakers of ever broader paralects help to fashion it.

“Educatedness” is closely associated with the notion of being “well-spoken,” which seems to be common to all languages, and is especially associated with formal styles of speaking. Age is a factor both in the ingredients of any accent and in the evaluations it evokes (see especially Giles et al., 1990); next to childhood, adolescence seems a particularly formative period for accent adaptation, and many subjects report that their own accents were influenced by charismatic models among their secondary school teachers, including speakers of both the standard and paralects. Hockett (1958) considered that a person's range of accent flexibility is almost complete by age 17, but many individuals have shown the ability to adapt their accents at much later ages.

Results (Malay) 1:

1.8 "educatedness" dan alternatif kepadaAnother explanation of the persistence of both nonstandard accents and dialects is provided (Honey, forthcoming) by an alternative description of the two sets of values which are involved in the choice of either form. By this analysis, standard forms are the expression of a complex of values associated with being in the mainstream of society, and with educatedness, which is in its turn associated with literacy. In contrast, nonstandard forms express local or regional particularism (with some of the functions of what in other contexts is called tribalism) and the rejection of (or dissociation from) a high regard for education. As Mattheier (1980; see also Barbour and Stevenson, 1990: 100–1) has shown, the process of modernization which involves urbanization and mass education also tends to promote the establishment of widely accepted or “mainstream” norms and values. Life in modernized societies puts an ever greater premium on qualities of occupational competence which are also increasingly tied to educatedness. Underlying a respect for educatedness is a set of attitudes towards literacy: As Barton (1994: 48) has put it, “every person, adult or child, has a view of literacy, about what it is and what it can do for them, about its importance and its limitations.” Literacy as a historical phenomenon has been explored by many scholars, and though its implications have in particular respects been exaggerated, its general cognitive implications over time are so important as to mark it out as a catalyst which has helped to “transform human consciousness” and make it “essential for the realization of fuller, interior, human goals” (Ong, 1982: 78, 82; cf. also Honey, 1988a). Since literacy is embedded in language, standard forms of language (including accent) tend to be perceived as the only appropriate vehicles for education and literacy, while nonstandard forms thrive among those who have been disappointed in their own experience of formal education. Add to this a generational factor and the characteristic anti-authority phase of adolescence, and we are not surprised to find nonstandard accents and other forms adopted (indeed learned) as a badge among adolescents, including Black American gang members (Labov, 1972a: chapter 7), British teenagers in Reading (Cheshire, 1982) or young blacks in London and other parts of Britain (Sutcliffe, 1982; Sebba, 1993). Among some such peer groups, especially males, the value system which this nonstandard language encodes includes attitudes which, as well as rejecting or disparaging mainstream deference to “educatedness,” are demeaning to women and glorify criminality, violence, and drug use. Though such varieties frequently celebrate macho values, many studies report that, in general, women have a stronger tendency than men to adapt their speech to the standard variety, and also to evaluate standard accents more highly (Cheshire, 1983: 44). Trudgill (see Chambers and Trudgill, 1980: 98–100) has proposed a useful distinction between overt prestige, which involves respect for mainstream norms, and covert prestige, which reflects the scale of values within a smaller social group, in which there is nevertheless a kind of respect for the mainstream forms (often perceived as “upper-class”) as being in some sense “right” (see also Hudson, 1980: 201). Such conflicting motivations help explain the much greater instability of the phonological systems of nonstandard varieties (compared with the standard), the unreliability of such speakers in reporting on or judging their own use of particular features, and their blatant pretence (to researchers) that they themselves use the standard forms. Moreover, they help explain why such face-to-face communities may have to be more blatantly coercive than any school system in trying to maintain their own prescriptive norms, so that physical violence may be invoked to discipline deviations such as the use of a standard rather than the local nonstandard vowel in a particular word (J. and L. Milroy, 1991: 18–19, 58). Forms of local particularism or “tribalism” were expressed in a much earlier period in distinctive dress and social customs, but never more powerfully than by that most basic aspect of a group member's identity, spoken language. The theme of George Bernard Shaw's Pygmalion (1912) (made into a musical (1956) and later filmed as My Fair Lady) was the transformation of a Cockney flower-girl into a potential duchess by changing her accent (i.e., in the direction of RP; Shaw did not make clear that the “marked” form was the more appropriate one). Modern sociolinguists tend to argue that accent and dialect stereotyping is inappropriate since any accent or dialect can be the vehicle of educated discourse (e.g., Trudgill, 1975: chapter 4; Trudgill, 1994: 2, 6). However, precisely because of the fact that different accents and dialects encode different value-systems, it is unreasonable to expect the linguistic expression of such differences to be disregarded while the underlying value-systems, which are the raison d'être for those accents and dialects, remain different. There are serious obstacles to the mixing of lexical, grammatical, as well as phonological features of varieties which are perceived as functionally appropriate to specific domains, and thus as not being congruent (for the concept of linguistic congruence see Honey (forthcoming). This concept of congruence/incongruence helps to explain why, although it is theoretically possible for standard English to be spoken with any accent (cf. Stubbs, 1976, quoted in section 1.5), in practice it is never heard spoken in the most basilectal accents. Since the concept of “educatedness” is fundamental in sociophonology, we need to emphasize that this is a changing concept. We saw that connection with royal courts and with the governing classes was originally the defining characteristic of standard accents, but that at an early stage there grew up alongside it a standard of educated speech, originally limited to the tiny fraction of the population who experienced extended education but later, with the advent of mass education systems, accessible to all. In the second half of the twentieth century, in countries like Britain, the category of educated people whose accents define RP is thus an ever widening one, and now speakers of ever broader paralects help to fashion it.
“Educatedness” is closely associated with the notion of being “well-spoken,” which seems to be common to all languages, and is especially associated with formal styles of speaking. Age is a factor both in the ingredients of any accent and in the evaluations it evokes (see especially Giles et al., 1990); next to childhood, adolescence seems a particularly formative period for accent adaptation, and many subjects report that their own accents were influenced by charismatic models among their secondary school teachers, including speakers of both the standard and paralects. Hockett (1958) considered that a person's range of accent flexibility is almost complete by age 17, but many individuals have shown the ability to adapt their accents at much later ages.

Results (Malay) 2:

1.8 "Educatedness" dan alternatif yang lagi penjelasan kegigihan kedua-dua aksen tidak standard dan dialek disediakan (Honey, yang akan datang) dengan keterangan alternatif kedua-dua set nilai-nilai yang terlibat dalam pilihan bentuk sama ada. Dengan analisis ini, borang standard adalah ungkapan kompleks nilai yang berkaitan dengan berada di dalam arus perdana masyarakat, dan dengan educatedness, yang pada gilirannya berkaitan dengan literasi. Sebaliknya, bentuk tidak standard daftar teristimewa tempatan atau serantau (dengan beberapa fungsi apa dalam konteks yang lain dipanggil perkauman) dan penolakan (atau penceraian dari) memandang tinggi pendidikan. Sebagai Mattheier (1980; lihat juga Barbour dan Stevenson, 1990: 100-1) telah menunjukkan, proses pemodenan yang melibatkan proses perbandaran dan pendidikan massa juga cenderung untuk menggalakkan penubuhan diterima secara meluas atau "arus perdana" norma dan nilai-nilai. Hidup dalam masyarakat moden meletakkan premium yang sentiasa lebih besar ke atas kualiti kecekapan pekerjaan yang juga semakin terikat dengan educatedness. Asas menghormati educatedness adalah satu set sikap ke arah celik huruf: Sebagai Barton (1994: 48) telah meletakkan ia, "setiap orang, dewasa atau kanak-kanak, mempunyai pemandangan celik, kira-kira apa yang ada dan apa yang ia boleh lakukan untuk mereka, tentang kepentingannya dan batasannya. "Literasi sebagai fenomena bersejarah telah diterokai oleh banyak ulama, dan meskipun implikasinya telah dalam hal-hal tertentu telah dibesar-besarkan, implikasi kognitif umum dari masa ke masa begitu penting kerana untuk menandakan ia sebagai pemangkin yang mempunyai membantu untuk "mengubah kesedaran manusia" dan menjadikannya "penting bagi merealisasikan penuh, dalaman, matlamat manusia" (Ong, 1982: 78, 82; lihat juga Honey, 1988a). Sejak celik tertanam dalam bahasa, borang standard bahasa (termasuk loghat) cenderung untuk dilihat sebagai satu-satunya kenderaan yang sesuai bagi pendidikan dan celik huruf, manakala bentuk tidak standard berkembang maju di kalangan orang-orang yang kecewa dengan pengalaman mereka sendiri pendidikan formal. Tambah ke ini faktor generasi dan fasa anti kuasa-ciri remaja, dan kita tidak terkejut apabila mendapati aksen tidak standard dan lain-lain diterima pakai (memang belajar) sebagai lencana di kalangan remaja, termasuk Black ahli-ahli kumpulan Amerika (Labov, 1972a: bab 7), remaja British di Reading (Cheshire, 1982) atau orang kulit hitam muda di London dan bahagian lain di Britain (Sutcliffe, 1982; Sebba, 1993). Di antara beberapa kumpulan rakan sebaya itu, terutama lelaki, sistem nilai bahasa yang tidak standard ini mengekod termasuk sikap yang, serta menolak arus perdana atau menghina penghormatan kepada "educatedness," yang memburukkan imej kepada wanita dan memuliakan jenayah, keganasan, dan penggunaan dadah. Walaupun jenis seperti kerap meraikan nilai-nilai macho, banyak kajian melaporkan bahawa, secara amnya, wanita mempunyai kecenderungan yang lebih kuat daripada lelaki untuk menyesuaikan diri-tuduhan mereka kepada pelbagai yang standard, dan juga untuk menilai aksen standard yang lebih tinggi (Cheshire, 1983: 44). Trudgill (lihat Chambers dan Trudgill, 1980: 98-100) mencadangkan perbezaan yang berguna antara prestij terang-terangan, yang melibatkan menghormati norma arus perdana, dan prestij rahsia, yang mencerminkan nilai-nilai skala dalam kumpulan sosial yang lebih kecil, di mana terdapat namun sejenis menghormati bentuk arus perdana (sering dilihat sebagai "kelas atas") sebagai berada dalam erti kata "betul" (lihat juga Hudson, 1980: 201). Seperti motivasi bercanggah membantu menjelaskan ketidakstabilan yang lebih besar sistem fonologi jenis tidak standard (berbanding dengan standard), yang tidak boleh dipercayai penceramah itu dalam laporan pada atau berdasarkan kegunaan sendiri ciri-ciri tertentu, dan pura-pura terang-terangan mereka (penyelidik) yang mereka diri mereka menggunakan borang standard. Selain itu, mereka membantu menjelaskan mengapa muka-ke-muka masyarakat itu boleh perlu lebih terang-terangan paksaan daripada mana-mana sistem sekolah dalam usaha untuk mengekalkan norma preskriptif mereka sendiri, supaya keganasan fizikal boleh dituntut untuk mendisiplinkan penyelewengan seperti penggunaan standard yang bukannya vokal bukan piawai tempatan dalam satu perkataan khusus (J. dan L. Milroy, 1991: 18-19, 58). Bentuk yg teristimewa tempatan atau "perkauman" telah menyatakan dalam tempoh yang lebih awal dalam pakaian dan sosial adat tersendiri, tetapi tidak pernah lebih kuat berbanding dengan aspek yang paling asas identiti ahli kumpulan itu, bahasa pertuturan. Tema Pygmalion George Bernard Shaw (1912 ) (dibuat ke dalam muzik (tahun 1956) dan kemudian difilemkan sebagai Lady Adil Saya) adalah transformasi yang Cockney bunga-gadis ke wanita bangsawan yang berpotensi dengan menukar loghat dia (iaitu ke arah RP; Shaw tidak membuat jelas bahawa "ditandakan" bentuk adalah yang lebih sesuai). Sociolinguists moden cenderung untuk berhujah loghat itu dan dialek stereotaip adalah tidak sesuai kerana mana-mana loghat atau dialek boleh menjadi kenderaan wacana berpendidikan (contohnya, Trudgill, 1975: bab 4; Trudgill, 1994: 2, 6). Bagaimanapun, dengan tepat kerana hakikat bahawa loghat yang berbeza dan dialek mengekod nilai sistem yang berbeza, adalah tidak munasabah untuk mengharapkan ungkapan linguistik perbezaan tersebut tidak diambil kira manakala asas nilai-sistem, yang merupakan raison d'être bagi mereka aksen dan dialek, tetap berbeza. Terdapat halangan-halangan yang serius kepada percampuran leksikal, tatabahasa, serta ciri-ciri fonologi jenis yang dilihat sebagai fungsi yang sesuai untuk domain tertentu, dan dengan itu sebagai tidak kongruen (untuk konsep kekongruenan linguistik melihat Madu (yang akan datang). Konsep ini kongruen / incongruence membantu untuk menjelaskan mengapa, walaupun ia adalah secara teori mungkin untuk standard Bahasa Inggeris yang akan dituturkan dengan mana-mana loghat (rujuk Stubbs, 1976, yang dipetik dalam seksyen 1.5), dalam amalan ia tidak pernah dengar perkataan di aksen paling basilectal. Sejak konsep "educatedness" adalah asas dalam sociophonology, kita perlu menekankan bahawa ini adalah satu konsep yang berubah-ubah. Kami melihat bahawa berkaitan dengan mahkamah diraja dan dengan kelas-kelas yang mengawal pada asalnya ciri penentu dalam aksen standard, tetapi pada peringkat awal terdapat membesar sampingnya suatu taraf ucapan yang berpendidikan, pada asalnya terhad kepada pecahan kecil daripada penduduk yang mengalami pendidikan lanjutan tetapi kemudian, dengan adanya sistem pendidikan massa, dicapai oleh semua. Pada separuh kedua abad kedua puluh, di negara-negara seperti Britain, kategori orang berpendidikan yang aksen menentukan RP oleh itu yang semakin luas satu, dan kini penutur paralects lamanya luas membantu untuk fesyen itu. "Educatedness" berkait rapat dengan idea yang "yang dituturkan," yang seolah-olah menjadi umum untuk semua bahasa, dan terutama yang berkaitan dengan gaya formal bercakap. Umur adalah faktor kedua-dua bahan-bahan daripada mana-mana loghat dan dalam Penilaian ia membangkitkan (lihat terutama Giles et al, 1990.); bersebelahan dengan zaman kanak-kanak, remaja seolah-olah tempoh terutamanya formatif untuk loghat penyesuaian, dan banyak mata pelajaran melaporkan bahawa aksen mereka sendiri terpengaruh dengan model berkarisma di kalangan guru-guru sekolah menengah, termasuk penutur kedua-dua standard dan paralects. Hockett (1958) menganggap bahawa pelbagai seseorang fleksibiliti loghat hampir selesai mengikut umur 17, tetapi ramai individu telah menunjukkan keupayaan untuk menyesuaikan diri aksen mereka pada umur yang lebih kemudian.