always characterized by complete re

always characterized by complete regularity across all vocabulary items, which is observable in the Castilian and French cases. In addition, the notion that imitation follows prestige models raises the question of how prestige itself is defined. It has sometimes been too easily assumed that prestige is any quality that people imitate! In fact, it is often observed that higher social classes adopt features of lower-class speech, as in many cases where middle-class White speakers have borrowed slang vocabulary from lower-class Black speakers; for some individuals, the borrowed features have connotations of masculinity or of natural authenticity – a kind of “inverse prestige.” (Although many lower-class members assign low value to their own speech, they often feel that it would be “sissified” for them to imitate the upper classes.) Thus it is necessary to recognize both “change from above,” where the language of higher social strata is dominant, and “change from below,” where the model is the language of lower social strata. In short, although imitation must indeed be an important factor in language change, the concept is still not fully understood.


Grammatical change and phonological change Two major factors in grammar change are often cited. First, phonological change often does away with distinctions among morphological elements, or may delete them entirely; then new syntactic constructions may be elaborated to take over the functions formerly served by morphology. Thus the noun case suffixes of Old English were phonologically reduced and lost (except for genitive s); in compensation, the language developed rules of word order to differentiate subject from object, which earlier had distinct suffixes, and increased the use of prepositions to specify other relationships involving nouns. A second factor in grammatical change is the operation of analogy, discussed above; although it may not be possible to predict exactly when or how analogical processes will operate, their role is clearly important. In addition, some recent research on syntactic change indicates that external social forces may be important (Kroch, 1989).

Sociolinguistic motivations for change The research which opened the way for much subsequent work on social factors in phonological change was the study carried out by Labov (1963) on Martha's Vineyard, an island off the coast of Massachusetts. There he found that a centralization of [a] toward [4], in the diphthongs [ai] and [au], was a social marker of loyalty to the Island community, as opposed to the outside world. In subsequent much more detailed work in New York City (Labov, 1966c), Labov showed that what had appeared as random phonetic variation, when studied in the speech of individual New Yorkers, was statistically patterned when correlated with, on the one hand, social class, and, on the other hand, the degree of formality in speech. The latter factor could be categorized on a scale which included five styles, in order of increasing formality: (A) casual style, (B) careful style, (C) reading aloud from text, (D) reading aloud from word-lists, and (D') pronunciation of minimal word-pairs. Furthermore, he found that higher rank on the scale of social class was correlated with higher degrees on the scale of formality, both favoring conservative pronunciations; alternatively, if an innovation occurred more frequently in working-class speech, it would occur more frequently in the informal speech of all speakers. This kind of quantitative social dialectology, which has become almost synonymous with sociolinguistics for some people, is often discussed under the label variation theory.



One social class in particular was found to play a special role, namely the upward-aspiring lower middle class. This social group demonstrated hypercorrect behavior in the sense that, when speaking formally, they went beyond the highest-status group in adopting new prestige features (Labov, 1966b). Other behavior patterns typical of the lower middle class were a wide range of variation among styles in speech, a high degree of phonetic fluctuation within a given style, and a conscious striving for “correctness.” Perhaps the most striking feature of what Labov has called the linguistic insecurity (1972: 117) of this group was demonstrated when they were asked to give subjective evaluations of their own speech: They were strongly negative about it. Yet, as was later shown clearly in Labov's Philadelphia research (see below), the lower middle class occupies a key role in the processes of language change in the urban eastern US.


The interaction of class stratification and style with the dimension of apparent time, as seen in change over generations, is shown with reference to syllable-final r in figure 5.1. In Style A (casual speech), for the two oldest age groups (50–75 and 40–49), there is little indication that the occurrence of r is significant. However, among speakers under 40 years old, r suddenly becomes a prestige marker for class 9 only (upper middle class). This sudden change in the status of r is apparently associated with the population changes accompanying World War II. Reading downward in the table, from more casual to more formal styles, we find a regular increase in the use of r. The larger left-to-right pattern shows the role of age group in two different ways: In class 9, younger speakers show more use of r than older speakers, but in the other classes, older speakers tend to use r more than younger ones. Reading from left to right, we see the familiar pattern of class behavior by which the lower middle class (levels 6–8) leads the working class and the lower class in the use of r.

Results (Malay) 1:

sentiasa dicirikan oleh ketetapan lengkap merentasi semua kosa kata perkara yang diperhatikan dalam kes-kes Castilia dan Perancis. Di samping itu, tanggapan bahawa tiruan mengikut model prestige menimbulkan persoalan bagaimana prestij itu sendiri ditakrifkan. Ia kadang-kadang telah terlalu mudah beranggapan prestij itu apa-apa kualiti yang meniru orang! Malah, ia sering diperhatikan bahawa kelas-kelas sosial yang tinggi mengamalkan ciri-ciri pertuturan berkelas bawahan, seperti banyak kes di mana penceramah putih kelas pertengahan telah meminjam kosa-kata slanga dari speaker hitam berkelas bawahan; bagi sesetengah individu, ciri-ciri pinjaman telah connotations tenaga kelakian atau ketulenan semulajadi – sejenis "songsang prestige." (Walaupun ramai ahli berkelas bawahan menguntukkan nilai rendah kepada pertuturan mereka sendiri, mereka sering berasa bahawa ia akan menjadi "sissified" bagi mereka untuk meniru golongan atasan.) Oleh itu adalah perlu untuk mengenal pasti kedua-duanya "Tukar dari atas," di mana Bahasa strata sosial yang lebih tinggi adalah dominan, dan "Tukar dari bawah," di mana model adalah Bahasa strata sosial yang rendah. Pendek kata, walaupun tiruan memang mesti menjadi faktor penting dalam perubahan bahasa, konsep ini masih tidak difahami sepenuhnya.Grammatical change and phonological change Two major factors in grammar change are often cited. First, phonological change often does away with distinctions among morphological elements, or may delete them entirely; then new syntactic constructions may be elaborated to take over the functions formerly served by morphology. Thus the noun case suffixes of Old English were phonologically reduced and lost (except for genitive s); in compensation, the language developed rules of word order to differentiate subject from object, which earlier had distinct suffixes, and increased the use of prepositions to specify other relationships involving nouns. A second factor in grammatical change is the operation of analogy, discussed above; although it may not be possible to predict exactly when or how analogical processes will operate, their role is clearly important. In addition, some recent research on syntactic change indicates that external social forces may be important (Kroch, 1989).Sociolinguistic motivations for change The research which opened the way for much subsequent work on social factors in phonological change was the study carried out by Labov (1963) on Martha's Vineyard, an island off the coast of Massachusetts. There he found that a centralization of [a] toward [4], in the diphthongs [ai] and [au], was a social marker of loyalty to the Island community, as opposed to the outside world. In subsequent much more detailed work in New York City (Labov, 1966c), Labov showed that what had appeared as random phonetic variation, when studied in the speech of individual New Yorkers, was statistically patterned when correlated with, on the one hand, social class, and, on the other hand, the degree of formality in speech. The latter factor could be categorized on a scale which included five styles, in order of increasing formality: (A) casual style, (B) careful style, (C) reading aloud from text, (D) reading aloud from word-lists, and (D') pronunciation of minimal word-pairs. Furthermore, he found that higher rank on the scale of social class was correlated with higher degrees on the scale of formality, both favoring conservative pronunciations; alternatively, if an innovation occurred more frequently in working-class speech, it would occur more frequently in the informal speech of all speakers. This kind of quantitative social dialectology, which has become almost synonymous with sociolinguistics for some people, is often discussed under the label variation theory.One social class in particular was found to play a special role, namely the upward-aspiring lower middle class. This social group demonstrated hypercorrect behavior in the sense that, when speaking formally, they went beyond the highest-status group in adopting new prestige features (Labov, 1966b). Other behavior patterns typical of the lower middle class were a wide range of variation among styles in speech, a high degree of phonetic fluctuation within a given style, and a conscious striving for “correctness.” Perhaps the most striking feature of what Labov has called the linguistic insecurity (1972: 117) of this group was demonstrated when they were asked to give subjective evaluations of their own speech: They were strongly negative about it. Yet, as was later shown clearly in Labov's Philadelphia research (see below), the lower middle class occupies a key role in the processes of language change in the urban eastern US.The interaction of class stratification and style with the dimension of apparent time, as seen in change over generations, is shown with reference to syllable-final r in figure 5.1. In Style A (casual speech), for the two oldest age groups (50–75 and 40–49), there is little indication that the occurrence of r is significant. However, among speakers under 40 years old, r suddenly becomes a prestige marker for class 9 only (upper middle class). This sudden change in the status of r is apparently associated with the population changes accompanying World War II. Reading downward in the table, from more casual to more formal styles, we find a regular increase in the use of r. The larger left-to-right pattern shows the role of age group in two different ways: In class 9, younger speakers show more use of r than older speakers, but in the other classes, older speakers tend to use r more than younger ones. Reading from left to right, we see the familiar pattern of class behavior by which the lower middle class (levels 6–8) leads the working class and the lower class in the use of r.

Results (Malay) 2:

sentiasa mempunyai ciri-ciri kekerapan lengkap di semua kosa kata, yang dapat dilihat dalam Castilia dan kes-kes Perancis. Di samping itu, tanggapan bahawa tiruan berikut model prestij menimbulkan persoalan bagaimana prestij sendiri ditakrifkan. Ia kadang-kadang menjadi terlalu mudah menganggap bahawa prestij adalah apa-apa kualiti yang orang meniru! Malah, ia sering diperhatikan bahawa kelas sosial yang lebih tinggi menggunakan ciri-ciri ucapan bertaraf lebih rendah, kerana dalam banyak kes di mana penceramah putih kelas menengah telah meminjam perbendaharaan kata slanga dari kelas yang lebih rendah orang Hitam; bagi sesetengah individu, ciri-ciri yang dipinjam mempunyai konotasi kejantanan atau ketulenan semulajadi - ". prestij songsang" sejenis (Walaupun ramai ahli bertaraf lebih rendah menetapkan nilai rendah kepada ucapan mereka sendiri, mereka sering merasakan bahawa ia akan menjadi "penakut seperti wanita" untuk mereka meniru golongan atasan.) Oleh itu adalah perlu untuk mengenal pasti kedua-duanya "perubahan dari atas," di mana bahasa strata sosial yang lebih tinggi adalah dominan, dan "perubahan dari bawah," di mana model adalah bahasa strata sosial yang lebih rendah. Pendek kata, walaupun tiruan sememangnya mesti menjadi satu faktor penting dalam perubahan bahasa, konsep ini masih tidak difahami sepenuhnya. Perubahan tatabahasa dan perubahan fonologi Dua faktor utama dalam perubahan tatabahasa sering dipetik. Pertama, perubahan fonologi sering tidak jauh dengan perbezaan-perbezaan antara unsur-unsur morfologi, atau boleh memadamnya sama sekali; maka pembinaan sintaksis baru boleh dihuraikan untuk mengambil alih fungsi yang sebelum ini disampaikan oleh morfologi. Oleh itu, akhiran kes benda Old English telah phonologically berkurangan dan hilang (kecuali genitif s); pampasan, bahasa yang dibangunkan peraturan perintah perkataan untuk membezakan subjek daripada objek, yang sebelum ini mempunyai akhiran berbeza, dan meningkatkan penggunaan kata depan untuk menentukan hubungan lain yang melibatkan kata nama. Faktor kedua dalam perubahan tatabahasa adalah operasi analogi, yang dibincangkan di atas; walaupun ia mungkin tidak mungkin untuk meramalkan dengan tepat bila atau bagaimana proses analogi akan beroperasi, peranan mereka adalah jelas penting. Di samping itu, beberapa kajian baru-baru ini mengenai perubahan sintaksis menunjukkan bahawa kuasa-kuasa sosial luar boleh menjadi penting (Kroch, 1989). Motivasi sosiolinguistik untuk perubahan Penyelidikan yang membuka jalan bagi banyak kerja berikutnya kepada faktor-faktor sosial dalam perubahan fonologi adalah kajian yang dijalankan oleh Labov (1963) di Martha, Vineyard, sebuah pulau di luar pantai Massachusetts. Di sana, beliau mendapati bahawa pemusatan [a] ke arah [4], dalam diftong [ai] dan [au], adalah penanda sosial kesetiaan kepada masyarakat Pulau, berbanding dengan dunia luar. Dalam berikutnya lebih terperinci kerja di New York City (Labov, 1966c), Labov menunjukkan bahawa apa yang telah muncul sebagai perubahan fonetik rawak, apabila dikaji dalam ucapan individu New York, telah secara statistik bercorak apabila dikaitkan dengan, dalam satu tangan, sosial kelas, dan, di sisi lain, tahap formaliti dalam ucapannya. Faktor kedua boleh dikategorikan pada skala yang termasuk lima gaya, dalam usaha untuk meningkatkan formaliti: (A) gaya kasual, gaya-hati (B), (C) membaca dengan kuat daripada teks, (D) membaca dengan kuat dari kata-senarai, dan (D ') sebutan minimum perkataan-pasangan. Tambahan pula, beliau mendapati bahawa kedudukan lebih tinggi pada skala kelas sosial telah dikaitkan dengan darjah lebih tinggi pada skala formaliti, kedua memihak sebutan konservatif; sebagai alternatif, jika inovasi telah berlaku lebih kerap dalam ucapan kelas pekerja, ia akan berlaku lebih kerap dalam ucapan tidak rasmi bagi semua pembesar suara. Ini jenis dialektologi sosial kuantitatif, yang telah menjadi hampir sinonim dengan sosiolinguistik bagi sesetengah orang, sering dibincangkan di bawah teori variasi label. Satu kelas sosial khususnya didapati memainkan peranan khas, iaitu kelas menengah bawahan menaik-bercita-cita. Kumpulan sosial menunjukkan tingkah laku hypercorrect dalam erti kata bahawa, apabila bercakap secara rasmi, mereka pergi di luar kumpulan tertinggi status dalam menerima pakai ciri prestij baru (Labov, 1966b). Pola tingkah laku lain tipikal kelas pertengahan yang lebih rendah adalah pelbagai variasi antara gaya dalam ucapan, yang tinggi turun naik fonetik dalam gaya yang diberikan, dan sedar berusaha untuk "kebenaran." Mungkin ciri yang paling menarik daripada apa Labov menggesa tidak selamat linguistik (1972: 117) daripada kumpulan ini dibuktikan apabila mereka diminta untuk memberikan penilaian subjektif ucapan mereka sendiri: Mereka sangat negatif mengenainya. Namun, seperti yang kemudian ditunjukkan dengan jelas dalam penyelidikan Philadelphia Labov (lihat di bawah), kelas pertengahan yang lebih rendah menduduki peranan penting dalam proses perubahan bahasa di timur Amerika Syarikat bandar. Interaksi stratifikasi kelas dan gaya dengan dimensi masa yang jelas, seperti yang dilihat dalam perubahan dari generasi ke generasi, ditunjukkan dengan merujuk kepada suku kata akhir r dalam rajah 5.1. In Style A (ucapan kasual), bagi kedua-dua kumpulan umur tertua (50-75 dan 40-49), terdapat sedikit petunjuk bahawa berlakunya r adalah penting. Walau bagaimanapun, antara orang yang berumur di bawah 40 tahun, r tiba-tiba menjadi penanda prestij untuk kelas 9 sahaja (kelas menengah atas). Perubahan secara tiba-tiba dalam status r nampaknya dikaitkan dengan perubahan penduduk mengiringi Perang Dunia II. Membaca ke bawah dalam jadual, dari lebih kasual untuk gaya yang lebih formal, kita dapati peningkatan tetap dalam penggunaan r. Corak kiri-ke-kanan yang lebih besar menunjukkan peranan kumpulan umur dalam dua cara yang berbeza: Dalam kelas 9, penceramah muda menunjukkan lebih banyak menggunakan r daripada penceramah yang lebih tua, tetapi dalam kelas-kelas lain, penceramah yang lebih tua cenderung untuk menggunakan r lebih daripada orang-orang muda . Membaca dari kiri ke kanan, kita melihat corak yang biasa tingkah laku kelas yang mana kelas menengah rendah (tahap 6-8) membawa kelas pekerja dan kelas bawahan dalam penggunaan r.