the public representatives of the Labour Party showed themselves to la translation - the public representatives of the Labour Party showed themselves to la Indonesian how to say

the public representatives of the L

the public representatives of the Labour Party showed themselves to lack
confidence and faith in their own approach to the issue.
This confusion, and other failures of the 1983 campaign, prompted Neil
Kinnock, shortly after he became party leader, to form a ‘communication and
campaigns directorate’ which would bring all of Labour’s public relations
activities within one management structure, headed by Peter Mandelson. In
1985 a Campaign Management Team was established under senior Kinnock
adviser Patricia Hewitt, with responsibility for preparing and executing
‘long’ campaigns, well in advance of the actual election. Thus, when the
1987 campaign started, party leaders had an agenda of issues and ‘theme
days’ to work through.
In 1985 Peter Mandelson, as communications director, recommended the
creation of an apparatus which could co-ordinate the party’s public relations,
marketing and advertising work. It would function within the context of an
agreed communication strategy; a unified presentation of the political
message, using all available media; and high-quality publicity materials.8
The Shadow Communications Agency, as it was called, would enlist as
many sympathetic volunteers from the world of professional communication
as possible. With the help of advertising professional Philip Gould,
Mandelson and the SCA strove, with some success, to prevent the incoherence
of the 1983 campaign from ever happening again. Hughes and
Wintour argue that ‘Mandelson and Gould succeeded, not because they
exploited slick advertising and media management more effectively than the
Conservatives, but because they forged between themselves an approach to
political strategy which has never before been seen. . . . They welded policy,
politics and image-creation into one weapon’ (1993, p. 183). A post-1997
Labour minister recalls that ‘Peter was fascinated by the acres of empty space
columnists and political reporters have to fill every week. It was then that he
realised that any titbit he gave them would be eagerly grabbed by the
journalist who didn’t seem to do any work for himself’.9
In the campaign of 1987, however, even a vastly improved structure of
internal communication management could not prevent Labour’s defence
policy from once again upsetting the strategy. We have already referred to
Kinnock’s disastrous interview with David Frost. In 1987, as in 1983, senior
leaders’ confusion about, and apparent lack of commitment to, the party’s
non-nuclear defence policy greatly weakened the campaign overall. Despite
the efforts of Mandelson, Gould, Hewitt and the SCA ‘it was hopeless to
imagine that the party could successfully campaign on a non-nuclear policy,
when the policy itself was internally inconsistent, and self-evidently evasive’
(ibid., p. 16).
The work of the Shadow Communications Agency carried on to the 1992
election, when it was suggested that the party should ‘deal with Mr Kinnock’s
image problem by giving a higher profile to attractive and able front-benchers.
He should be protected from hazards, particularly from contact with the
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wakil-wakil masyarakat Partai Buruh menunjukkan diri untuk kurangkeyakinan dan iman dalam pendekatan mereka sendiri untuk masalah.Kebingungan ini kegagalan, dan kesalahan lain dari kampanye 1983, diminta NeilKinnock, tak lama setelah ia menjadi pemimpin partai, untuk membentuk ' komunikasi danDirektorat kampanye ' yang akan membawa semua hubungan masyarakat liberalkegiatan dalam satu struktur manajemen, dipimpin oleh Peter Mandelson. Dalam1985 tim manajemen kampanye yang didirikan di bawah senior KinnockPenasihat Patricia Hewitt, dengan tanggung jawab untuk menyiapkan dan melaksanakan'lama' kampanye, baik sebelum pemilu yang sebenarnya. Dengan demikian, ketika1987 kampanye mulai, pemimpin partai memiliki agenda yang dan ' temahari untuk bekerja melalui.Pada tahun 1985 Peter Mandelson, sebagai Direktur komunikasi, direkomendasikanpenciptaan alat yang bisa mengkoordinasikan Partai Humas,pemasaran dan periklanan kerja. Ini akan berfungsi dalam konteksstrategi komunikasi yang telah disepakati; presentasi bersatu politikpesan, menggunakan semua media yang tersedia; dan materials.8 berkualitas tinggi publisitasBayangan Communications Agency, seperti yang disebut, akan mendaftarkan diri sebagaibanyak relawan yang simpatik dari dunia komunikasi profesionalsebanyak mungkin. Dengan bantuan profesional periklanan Philip Gould,Mandelson dan SCA berjuang, dengan beberapa keberhasilan, untuk mencegah ketidaklojikankampanye 1983 pernah terjadi lagi. Hughes danWintour berpendapat bahwa ' Mandelson dan Gould berhasil, bukan karena merekadieksploitasi licin Manajemen periklanan dan media lebih efektif daripadaKonservatif, tapi karena mereka menempa antara diri pendekatanstrategi politik yang belum pernah terlihat.... Mereka dilas kebijakan,politik dan gambar-penciptaan menjadi satu senjata ' (1993, halaman 183). Posting-1997Menteri tenaga kerja kenang yang ' Peter terpesona oleh hektar ruang kosongkolumnis dan wartawan politik harus mengisi setiap minggu. Itu kemudian bahwa iamenyadari bahwa setiap penganan kecil dia memberi mereka akan bersemangat meraih denganwartawan yang tampaknya tidak melakukan pekerjaan untuk dirinya sendiri '. 9Dalam kampanye tahun 1987, namun, bahkan struktur jauh lebih baikkomunikasi internal manajemen tidak bisa mencegah liberal pertahanankebijakan dari kembali mengacaukan strategi. Kami sudah mengacuKinnock dari bencana wawancara dengan David Frost. Pada tahun 1987, seperti pada tahun 1983, seniorkebingungan tentang pemimpin, dan jelas kurangnya komitmen, Partaikebijakan non-nuklir pertahanan sangat lemah kampanye secara keseluruhan. Meskipunupaya Mandelson, Gould, Hewitt dan SCA ' itu putus asa untukBayangkan bahwa partai bisa berhasil kampanye kebijakan non-nuklir,Kapan kebijakan itu sendiri adalah internal tidak konsisten, dan mengelak diri-jelas '(ibid., ms. 16).Pekerjaan bayangan Communications Agency dibawa hingga 1992pemilihan, ketika itu menyarankan bahwa partai harus ' berurusan dengan Mr Kinnockmasalah citra dengan memberikan profil yang lebih tinggi untuk menarik dan mampu depan-benchers.Ia harus dilindungi dari bahaya, terutama dari kontak dengan
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the public representatives of the Labour Party showed themselves to lack
confidence and faith in their own approach to the issue.
This confusion, and other failures of the 1983 campaign, prompted Neil
Kinnock, shortly after he became party leader, to form a ‘communication and
campaigns directorate’ which would bring all of Labour’s public relations
activities within one management structure, headed by Peter Mandelson. In
1985 a Campaign Management Team was established under senior Kinnock
adviser Patricia Hewitt, with responsibility for preparing and executing
‘long’ campaigns, well in advance of the actual election. Thus, when the
1987 campaign started, party leaders had an agenda of issues and ‘theme
days’ to work through.
In 1985 Peter Mandelson, as communications director, recommended the
creation of an apparatus which could co-ordinate the party’s public relations,
marketing and advertising work. It would function within the context of an
agreed communication strategy; a unified presentation of the political
message, using all available media; and high-quality publicity materials.8
The Shadow Communications Agency, as it was called, would enlist as
many sympathetic volunteers from the world of professional communication
as possible. With the help of advertising professional Philip Gould,
Mandelson and the SCA strove, with some success, to prevent the incoherence
of the 1983 campaign from ever happening again. Hughes and
Wintour argue that ‘Mandelson and Gould succeeded, not because they
exploited slick advertising and media management more effectively than the
Conservatives, but because they forged between themselves an approach to
political strategy which has never before been seen. . . . They welded policy,
politics and image-creation into one weapon’ (1993, p. 183). A post-1997
Labour minister recalls that ‘Peter was fascinated by the acres of empty space
columnists and political reporters have to fill every week. It was then that he
realised that any titbit he gave them would be eagerly grabbed by the
journalist who didn’t seem to do any work for himself’.9
In the campaign of 1987, however, even a vastly improved structure of
internal communication management could not prevent Labour’s defence
policy from once again upsetting the strategy. We have already referred to
Kinnock’s disastrous interview with David Frost. In 1987, as in 1983, senior
leaders’ confusion about, and apparent lack of commitment to, the party’s
non-nuclear defence policy greatly weakened the campaign overall. Despite
the efforts of Mandelson, Gould, Hewitt and the SCA ‘it was hopeless to
imagine that the party could successfully campaign on a non-nuclear policy,
when the policy itself was internally inconsistent, and self-evidently evasive’
(ibid., p. 16).
The work of the Shadow Communications Agency carried on to the 1992
election, when it was suggested that the party should ‘deal with Mr Kinnock’s
image problem by giving a higher profile to attractive and able front-benchers.
He should be protected from hazards, particularly from contact with the
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