ΣJohnChapm{l/lIntroductionSomeofthemostdramaticarchaeologicalfootagein translation - ΣJohnChapm{l/lIntroductionSomeofthemostdramaticarchaeologicalfootagein Greek how to say

ΣJohnChapm{l/lIntroductionSomeofthe

ΣJohn
Chapm{l/l
Introduction
Some
of
the
most
dramatic
archaeological
footage
in
existence
is
featured
in
the
Danish
TV's
film
of
the
burning
of
a
reconstructed
iron
age
house
at
Roskilde.
It
captured
John
Coles'
imagination
so
much
that
he
illustrated
the
front
cover
of
his
book
"Archaeology
by
experiment"
(Coles
1973)
with
a
still
from
the
film.
There
is
no
doubt
that
this
deliberate
arson
for
the
benefit
of
the
TV
company
made
gripping
viewing.
Can
there
be
any
doubt
that
a
similar
house
fire
in
prehistoric
times
would
have
had
such
a
dramatic
effect
on
the
community?
Our
general
impression
is
that,
once
fire
spread
to
the
ground
area
of
a
wattle-and-
daub
timber-framed
house,
it
is
improbable
that
anyone
could
have
stopped
it
before
the
fire
destroyed
all
of
the
building,
as
at
Roskilde.
However
a
house
fire
started,
within
a
short
space
of
time,
we
assume
that
the
performance
effect
would
have
been
similar
- a
terrifYing
event,
the
like
of
which
some
people
had
perhaps
never
seen
before,
in
which
the
awesome
and
destructive
power
of
nature
entered
into
a
community
and
transformed
it
for
ever.
Tringham
(1994)
recounts
a
fictional
narrative
of
a
Vinca
women
watching
a
late
neolithic
house
burn
down
-
a
tale
in
which
the
woman
who
had
married
into
what
turned
out
to
be
a
somewhat
unfriendly
community
took
a
certain
pleasure
from
seeing
the
destruction
of
the
possessions
of
her
hated
in-laws.
The
impression
of
irreversible
destruction
again
lies
at
the
heart
of
the
narrative.
But
were
things
really
like
this
in
prehistory?
In
1978,
Bankoff
and
Winter
purchased
a
decaying
wattle-and-daub
house
from
a
Serbian
peasant
family
in
order
to
conduct
an
experiment
into
house
burning.
The
results
were
surprising:
although
the
roof
timbers
and
thatch
were
soon
destroyed,
the
solid
clay-plastered
walls
and
their
inner
structural
elements
survived
the
fire,
whose
plume
of
smoke
could
be
seen
from
the
surrounding
countryside
(Bankoff
&
Winter
1979).
The
archaeologists
noted
that
it
would
have
taken
much
effort
to
collect
extra
fuel
to
ensure
the
complete
destruction
of
the
whole
of
the
house.
In
a
stimulating
general
survey
of
the
(pre-
)history
of
fire,
Goudsblom
(1992)
corrects
many
false
assumptions
that
we
may
hold
about
fire,
its
psychological
effects
and
the
care
which
past
communities
took
to
control
its
potentially
savage
effects.
He
denies
that
the
principal
emotion
generated
by
fire
in
prehistory
was
fear,
simply
because
this
is
the
predominant
reaction
of
20th
century
urban
dwellers.
Instead,
we
are
invited
to
consider
that
the
widespread
incidence
of
fire
in
everyday
life
led
to
quite
different
attitudes,
based
more
on
respect
and
an
appreciation
of
the
positive
aspects
of
fire
than
on
terror.
Interestingly,
the
absence
of
codes
of
practice
concerning
the
control
of
fire
in
early
urban
communities
in
Mesopotamia
leads
Goudsblom
to
conclude
that
elementary
skills
in
handling
fires
must
have
been
widespread
amongst
the
population
(1992:66).
I
am
not
claiming here
that
fire
can
always
be
kept
under
control
and
that
there
were
never
disasters
initiated
by
conflagrations.
But
it
may
be
useful
to
question
20th
century
assumptions
based
upon
our
far
more
limited
experience
of
J
14
fire
when
we
cor
phenomenon
of
(henceforth
NCA
also
suggest
that
their
settlements
assumptions
abou
The
life-cycle
An
important
me
- a
fundamental
(Wilson
1988).1
age
were
often
so
impressive
settlerr
all
stages
of
the
opportunity
for
community.
One
explanation
of
bu
from
the
earliest
frequent
event,
es
houses
by
tIre;
th
clay
fused
by
hi~
that
not
a
single'
are
completely
u
burnt
house
has
favoured!
Six
explanati
traditional
invas
arsonists
(Gimbu
accidental
fires
r
(McPherron
& (
construction
and
old
house
facilita
firing
aids
fumig
deliberate
destruc
its
contents
(Rac2
588;
Stevanovic
1
The
north
Pc
since
the
C
14-da
the
earliest
dates
the
destruction
approach
to
the
F
Deliberate
howe-burning
in
the
prehistory
o/Central
and
Eastern
Europe
fire
when
we
come
to
interpret
the
past.
In
this
paper,
I
wish
to
consider
the
phenomenon
of
house-burning
in
the
Balkan
neolithic
and
copper
age
(henceforth
NCA),
since
its
interpretation
is
still
under
intense
discussion.
I
shall
also
suggest
that
the
way
that
different
archaeologists
interpret
burnt
houses
on
their
settlements
often
relates
to
deeper,
sometimes
unspoken
attitudes
and
assumptions
about
the
way
in
which
we
view
the
past
0/5000
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ΣJohnChapm {λ/λΕισαγωγήΟρισμένεςτουτοπερισσότεραδραματικήΑρχαιολογικόμήκος σε πόδηασεύπαρξηείναιΠροτεινόμενασετοΔανικάΤης τηλεόρασηςταινίατουτοκαύσητουέναανακατασκευάστηκεΣίδεροηλικίασπίτιστοRoskilde.ΑυτόσυλλαμβάνονταιΙωάννηςColes»φαντασίαΈτσιπολύπουΑυτόςεικονογραφημένατοεμπρόςκάλυμματουτουβιβλίο«Αρχαιολογίααπόπείραμα»(Coles1973)μεέναακόμααπότοταινία.ΕκείείναιΌχιαμφιβολίαπουΑυτόσκόπιμηεμπρησμόςγιατοόφελοςτουτοΤΗΛΕΌΡΑΣΗεταιρείαέκανεπιάνονταςΠροβολή.Μπορεί ναεκείναοποιαδήποτεαμφιβολίαπουέναπαρόμοιασπίτιφωτιάσεπροϊστορικήφορέςθαέχουνείχεμια τέτοιαέναδραματικήεπίδρασησχετικά μετοΚοινότητα;ΜαςΓενικήεντύπωσηείναιπου,μια φοράφωτιάεξάπλωσηνατοέδαφοςπεριοχήτουένακαλαμωτή- και -πασαλείβωξύλινο σκελετόσπίτι,Αυτόείναιαπίθανηπουκάποιοςθα μπορούσε ναέχουνσταμάτησεΑυτόπριν από τηντοφωτιάκαταστρέφονταιόλατουτοκτίριο,ωςστοRoskilde.Ωστόσοένασπίτιφωτιάξεκίνησε,εντόςένασύντομηχώροτουχρόνο,ΕμείςΑς υποθέσουμεπουτοαπόδοσηεπίδρασηθαέχουνήτανπαρόμοια-έναΤρομακτικήεκδήλωση,τοόπωςτουπουορισμένεςάτομαείχείσωςποτέ δενδειπριν,σεπουτοΤρομερόκαικαταστροφικήδύναμητουφύσητέθηκεσεέναΚοινότητακαιμετατραπείΑυτόγιαποτέ.Tringham(1994)αφηγείταιέναφανταστικόαφήγησητουέναVincaγυναίκεςβλέπονταςένααργάΝεολιθικήσπίτιέγκαυμαπρος τα κάτω-έναπαραμύθισεπουτογυναίκαΠοιοςείχεπαντρεμένοςσεΤιγύρισεαπόναναένακάπωςεχθρικόΚοινότηταπήρεέναορισμένεςευχαρίστησηαπόβλέπονταςτοκαταστροφήτουτοκτήσειςτουτηςμισούσεπεθερικά.Τοεντύπωσητουμη αναστρέψιμηκαταστροφήκαι πάλιψέματαστοτοκαρδιάτουτοαφήγηση.ΑλλάήτανπράγματαΑλήθειαόπωςΑυτόσεπροϊστορία;Σε1978,BankoffκαιΧειμώνααγοράζονταιένααποσυντιθειμένοςΚαλαμωτή, και μουτζούρωμασπίτιαπόέναΣερβικάχωρικόςοικογένειασεπαραγγελίανασυμπεριφοράςμιαπείραμασεσπίτικαύση.Τοαποτελέσματαήτανπροκαλεί έκπληξη το γεγονός:Αν καιτοστέγηξύλακαιτο thatchήτανσύντομακαταστρέφονται,τοστερεάεπίχρισμα αργίλουτοίχουςκαιτουςεσωτερικήδιαρθρωτικώνστοιχείαεπέζησετοφωτιά,του οποίουλοφίοτουκαπνόςθα μπορούσε ναναδειαπότογύρω απόεξοχή(Bankoff&Χειμώνα1979).ΤοΟι αρχαιολόγοισημείωσεπουΑυτόθαέχουνλαμβάνονταιπολύπροσπάθειανασυλλογήΕπιπλέονκαυσίμουναεξασφάλισητοολοκλήρωσηκαταστροφήτουτοσύνολοτουτοσπίτι.ΣεένατόνωσηΓενικήέρευνατουτο(προ-) ιστορίατουφωτιά,Goudsblom(1992)ΔιορθώνειπολλέςFALSEπαραδοχέςπουΕμείςμπορεί ναΚρατήστε πατημένο τοσχετικά μεφωτιά,τηνψυχολογικήαποτελέσματακαιτοφροντίδαπουπαρελθόνΚοινοτήτωνπήρεναελέγχουτηνδυνητικάSavageεφέ.Αυτόςαρνείταιπουτοκύριοςσυγκίνησηπου δημιουργούνταιαπόφωτιάσεπροϊστορίαήτανο φόβος,απλάεπειδήΑυτόείναιτοκυρίαρχοαντίδρασητου20ηαιώνααστικήκάτοικοι.Αντ ' αυτού,Εμείςείναικάλεσεναθεωρούνπουτοδιαδεδομένησυχνότητα εμφάνισηςτουφωτιάσεκαθημερινήζωήοδήγησενααρκετάδιαφορετικέςστάσεις,με βάσηπερισσότερασχετικά μεαπό την άποψηκαιμιαεκτίμησητουτοθετικήπτυχέςτουφωτιάαπό ό, τισχετικά μετρόμου.Είναι ενδιαφέρον,τοαπουσίατουκωδικοίτουπρακτικήσχετικά μετοελέγχουτουφωτιάσενωρίςαστικήΚοινοτήτωνσεΜεσοποταμίαοδηγείGoudsblomναεν κατακλείδιπουστοιχειώδηδεξιότητεςσεχειρισμόςπυρκαγιέςπρέπει ναέχουνήτανδιαδεδομένημεταξύ τωντοπληθυσμού(1992:66).ΕγώΕίμαιδενισχυρίζονται ότι εδώπουφωτιάμπορεί ναπάνταναδιατηρούνταιστο πλαίσιοελέγχουκαιπουεκείήτανποτέ δενκαταστροφέςξεκίνησεαπόεμπρησμών.ΑλλάΑυτόμπορεί ναναχρήσιμαναερώτηση20ηαιώναπαραδοχέςμε βάσηκατόπινμαςτώραπερισσότεραπεριορισμένηεμπειρίατουJ14φωτιάΌτανΕμείςη ΕΤΠφαινόμενοτου(στο εξήςΕΑΑεπίσηςπροτείνωπουτουςοικισμοίπαραδοχέςAbouΤοκύκλου ζωήςΜιασημαντικόμου-έναθεμελιώδη(Wilson1988).1ηλικίαήτανσυχνάΈτσιεντυπωσιακήsettlerrόλαστάδιατουτοευκαιρίαγιαΚοινότητα.ΈναεξήγησητουBUαπότονωρίτεροΣυχνέςεκδήλωση,ESσπίτιααπόΕλαστικού?ουάργιλοςλιωμένοαπόΓεια ~πουδενέναενιαίο»είναιεντελώςuκαίγονταισπίτιέχειευνόησε!Έξιexplanatiπαραδοσιακάinvasεμπρηστές(Gimbuτυχαίαπυρκαγιέςr(McPherron& (κατασκευήκαιπαλιάσπίτιπαροχέςψήσιμοAIDSfumigσκόπιμηdestrucτηνπεριεχόμενα(Rac2588?Ο Στεβάνοβιτς1ΤοΒόρειαPCαπό τοτοC14-daτονωρίτεροημερομηνίεςτοκαταστροφήπροσέγγισηνατοFΣκόπιμηHowe-καύσησετοπροϊστορίαo/κεντρικήκαιΑνατολικήΕυρώπηφωτιάΌτανΕμείςέρχονταιναερμηνεύουντοπαρελθόν.ΣεΑυτόχαρτί,Εγώεπιθυμιώνναθεωρούντοφαινόμενοτουσπίτι-καύσησετοΒαλκανίωνΝεολιθικήκαιΧαλκόςηλικία(στο εξήςΕΑΑ),από τοτηνερμηνείαείναιακόμαστο πλαίσιοέντονησυζήτηση.ΕγώπρέπειεπίσηςπροτείνωπουτοτρόποςπουδιαφορετικέςΟι αρχαιολόγοιερμηνεύουνκαίγονταισπίτιασχετικά μετουςοικισμοίσυχνάαφοράναβαθύτερα,μερικές φορέςαμίλητοςστάσειςκαιπαραδοχέςσχετικά μετοτρόποςσεπουΕμείςθέατοπαρελθόν
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ΣJohn
Chapm{l/l
Introduction
Some
of
the
most
dramatic
archaeological
footage
in
existence
is
featured
in
the
Danish
TV's
film
of
the
burning
of
a
reconstructed
iron
age
house
at
Roskilde.
It
captured
John
Coles'
imagination
so
much
that
he
illustrated
the
front
cover
of
his
book
"Archaeology
by
experiment"
(Coles
1973)
with
a
still
from
the
film.
There
is
no
doubt
that
this
deliberate
arson
for
the
benefit
of
the
TV
company
made
gripping
viewing.
Can
there
be
any
doubt
that
a
similar
house
fire
in
prehistoric
times
would
have
had
such
a
dramatic
effect
on
the
community?
Our
general
impression
is
that,
once
fire
spread
to
the
ground
area
of
a
wattle-and-
daub
timber-framed
house,
it
is
improbable
that
anyone
could
have
stopped
it
before
the
fire
destroyed
all
of
the
building,
as
at
Roskilde.
However
a
house
fire
started,
within
a
short
space
of
time,
we
assume
that
the
performance
effect
would
have
been
similar
- a
terrifYing
event,
the
like
of
which
some
people
had
perhaps
never
seen
before,
in
which
the
awesome
and
destructive
power
of
nature
entered
into
a
community
and
transformed
it
for
ever.
Tringham
(1994)
recounts
a
fictional
narrative
of
a
Vinca
women
watching
a
late
neolithic
house
burn
down
-
a
tale
in
which
the
woman
who
had
married
into
what
turned
out
to
be
a
somewhat
unfriendly
community
took
a
certain
pleasure
from
seeing
the
destruction
of
the
possessions
of
her
hated
in-laws.
The
impression
of
irreversible
destruction
again
lies
at
the
heart
of
the
narrative.
But
were
things
really
like
this
in
prehistory?
In
1978,
Bankoff
and
Winter
purchased
a
decaying
wattle-and-daub
house
from
a
Serbian
peasant
family
in
order
to
conduct
an
experiment
into
house
burning.
The
results
were
surprising:
although
the
roof
timbers
and
thatch
were
soon
destroyed,
the
solid
clay-plastered
walls
and
their
inner
structural
elements
survived
the
fire,
whose
plume
of
smoke
could
be
seen
from
the
surrounding
countryside
(Bankoff
&
Winter
1979).
The
archaeologists
noted
that
it
would
have
taken
much
effort
to
collect
extra
fuel
to
ensure
the
complete
destruction
of
the
whole
of
the
house.
In
a
stimulating
general
survey
of
the
(pre-
)history
of
fire,
Goudsblom
(1992)
corrects
many
false
assumptions
that
we
may
hold
about
fire,
its
psychological
effects
and
the
care
which
past
communities
took
to
control
its
potentially
savage
effects.
He
denies
that
the
principal
emotion
generated
by
fire
in
prehistory
was
fear,
simply
because
this
is
the
predominant
reaction
of
20th
century
urban
dwellers.
Instead,
we
are
invited
to
consider
that
the
widespread
incidence
of
fire
in
everyday
life
led
to
quite
different
attitudes,
based
more
on
respect
and
an
appreciation
of
the
positive
aspects
of
fire
than
on
terror.
Interestingly,
the
absence
of
codes
of
practice
concerning
the
control
of
fire
in
early
urban
communities
in
Mesopotamia
leads
Goudsblom
to
conclude
that
elementary
skills
in
handling
fires
must
have
been
widespread
amongst
the
population
(1992:66).
I
am
not
claiming here
that
fire
can
always
be
kept
under
control
and
that
there
were
never
disasters
initiated
by
conflagrations.
But
it
may
be
useful
to
question
20th
century
assumptions
based
upon
our
far
more
limited
experience
of
J
14
fire
when
we
cor
phenomenon
of
(henceforth
NCA
also
suggest
that
their
settlements
assumptions
abou
The
life-cycle
An
important
me
- a
fundamental
(Wilson
1988).1
age
were
often
so
impressive
settlerr
all
stages
of
the
opportunity
for
community.
One
explanation
of
bu
from
the
earliest
frequent
event,
es
houses
by
tIre;
th
clay
fused
by
hi~
that
not
a
single'
are
completely
u
burnt
house
has
favoured!
Six
explanati
traditional
invas
arsonists
(Gimbu
accidental
fires
r
(McPherron
& (
construction
and
old
house
facilita
firing
aids
fumig
deliberate
destruc
its
contents
(Rac2
588;
Stevanovic
1
The
north
Pc
since
the
C
14-da
the
earliest
dates
the
destruction
approach
to
the
F
Deliberate
howe-burning
in
the
prehistory
o/Central
and
Eastern
Europe
fire
when
we
come
to
interpret
the
past.
In
this
paper,
I
wish
to
consider
the
phenomenon
of
house-burning
in
the
Balkan
neolithic
and
copper
age
(henceforth
NCA),
since
its
interpretation
is
still
under
intense
discussion.
I
shall
also
suggest
that
the
way
that
different
archaeologists
interpret
burnt
houses
on
their
settlements
often
relates
to
deeper,
sometimes
unspoken
attitudes
and
assumptions
about
the
way
in
which
we
view
the
past
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