1.3 Two forms of RPThe connotations

1.3 Two forms of RP

The connotations of prestige which attach to British English RP must not, however, be allowed to obscure the fact that this blanket term itself embraces two forms of accent, which can conveniently be labelled as “marked” and “unmarked” RP, where markings are indicators of special social privilege or pretension. While neither form gives any clue as to the speaker's region of origin, unmarked RP is the mainstream variety, conventionally associated with BBC newsreaders and also with schoolteachers, doctors, and secretaries. Marked RP is associated with members (except nowadays the younger ones) of the royal family, with the aristocracy, and with an older generation of senior army and naval officers and university teachers at Cambridge and Oxford. Among many characteristic features, the pronunciation [N] in words like often, cross, and cloth most readily identifies this variety of the RP accent to native speakers who hear it, as does the tendency to give words like really and rarely the same pronunciation, or to move (with Prince Charles) abite the hice. As with all accents, marked RP often involves a distinctive articulatory setting (see Honikman, 1964) which in turn gives its speakers a distinctive voice quality (see Laver, 1980). Originally part of a full British upper-class dialect or sociolect (since perhaps the sixteenth century) with other distinctive lexical and idiomatic features (Honey, 1989: 41), it used to confer special prestige on its speakers and opened many doors to jobs, to commissions in the armed forces, and in the marriage market. Until very recently its acquisition justified investment for one's children in especially expensive forms of education, at the most socially prestigious “public” schools like Eton and Harrow (and comparable schools for girls), followed by Cambridge or Oxford. It must further be noted that, beyond the groups of its own speakers, it could also arouse a degree of ridicule, and is now less common. Outside England (and especially the south of England), the unmarked form of RP may itself be regarded as hyperlectal (i.e., carrying overtones of social pretentiousness outside its own group of speakers), and this is also true for Scotland (and Scottish English has other hyperlectal forms of its own) and for former British possessions overseas like Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, Hong Kong, and Singapore, where a distinctive local accent has become established whose most educated variety is the effective model in the educational system and the preferred form for radio and TV newsreaders. (On the relative status of RP in Nigeria and in Hong Kong, compare Ufumata, 1990, with Bolton and Kwok, 1990.) In Australia, a vast country with remarkably little regional accent variation, it has been estimated that about a third of Australians speak with what is known as a broad Australian accent, just over half with a general Australian accent,
and about one tenth use cultivated Australian, associated especially with education (McCrum et al., 1986: 294). In South Africa, accent features usually make it possible to distinguish among speakers of standard English as between mother-tongue English-speakers, Afrikaans-speakers, mother-tongue speakers of African languages, and “coloreds” (persons of mixed race), and often also South Africans of Indian descent.

These two forms of the standard accent of British English now coexist with a great variety of local accents which are the successors of the mass of local speech forms of medieval Britain. Readers of the classic novel Wuthering Heights (1847) are confronted by many baffling utterances such as “What is he abaht, girt eedle seeght!” (i.e., What has happened to him, the great idle spectacle!) in the mouth of the servant Joseph: They represent Emily Bronte's attempt to reproduce the dialect speech of a particular part of Yorkshire around that date. The extreme difficulty of understanding the lexis, grammar, and accent of such speakers faced visitors in all parts of Britain at that time, but the inexorable progress (already referred to) of standardization meant that by the middle of the present century it was difficult for researchers to find anyone who still spoke the old dialect forms with any convincing degree of “purity.” Most speakers had by then adapted, in varying degrees, towards the standard, though their accents were still the strongest evidence of their local associations.

It is thus common in England for speakers, especially those who have experienced an extended education, to use a form of English which is entirely standard in respect of grammar, vocabulary, and idiom, but to do so with an accent which is not RP (i.e., the unmarked variety) but something between RP and the local accents in which the historic dialects were once spoken. And we also encounter many speakers, likewise from a background of extended education, who speak the same form of fully standard English but whose accents have moved very close to RP yet stopped fractionally short of it, retaining tiny traces of the accent features characteristic of their regional background. In the latter case these traces may relate to only one or two typical sounds, yet these are sufficient to cause the speaker to be identified as coming from that region. Well-known examples from British public life are the former political party leaders Neil Kinnock and Sir David Steel, and the broadcaster Brian Redhead, each of whom had in varying degrees small (even tiny) traces of a regional accent, yet each of whom was perceived as being “very” Welsh, or Scottish, or north-country (Honey, 1989: 81–2).

1.4 The accent continuum

The notion of a continuum or spectrum of linguistic variation, developed by Stewart (1964) and Bickerton (1971), employs a useful categorization of linguistic features as spread along a line which shows clustering around the acrolect (high prestige, standard variety), the basilect (the broadest form of popular speech, which for Australians, for example, involves a third of the population, but whose traditional form in Britain is now found only among “elderly people with little education” (Trudgill,1983b: 187), and, in between them, the mesolect, the speech of the majority of the population. In using this to describe accent variety in British English, two considerations outlined above suggest refinements of this categorization to include the additional positions hyperlect (representing the socially privileged “marked RP” accent, i.e., the “posh” as opposed to the standard accent); and paralect to describe that variety which is very close to RP but retains a few tiny nonstandard features. In this typology, a speaker with barely perceptible nonstandard traces is described as having a close paralect of RP, one with more salient traces (but still very much closer to RP than to, say, the regional mesolect) a broad paralect; and, depending on situation and register (see section 1.9), might switch between these two paralects, or even between these and RP. We note that the speaker's level of education is the most obvious factor associated with a speaker's movement leftward along the continuum and in the direction of RP, though not always right up to it.

Results (Malay) 1:

1.3 dua bentuk mata ganjaranThe connotations of prestige which attach to British English RP must not, however, be allowed to obscure the fact that this blanket term itself embraces two forms of accent, which can conveniently be labelled as “marked” and “unmarked” RP, where markings are indicators of special social privilege or pretension. While neither form gives any clue as to the speaker's region of origin, unmarked RP is the mainstream variety, conventionally associated with BBC newsreaders and also with schoolteachers, doctors, and secretaries. Marked RP is associated with members (except nowadays the younger ones) of the royal family, with the aristocracy, and with an older generation of senior army and naval officers and university teachers at Cambridge and Oxford. Among many characteristic features, the pronunciation [N] in words like often, cross, and cloth most readily identifies this variety of the RP accent to native speakers who hear it, as does the tendency to give words like really and rarely the same pronunciation, or to move (with Prince Charles) abite the hice. As with all accents, marked RP often involves a distinctive articulatory setting (see Honikman, 1964) which in turn gives its speakers a distinctive voice quality (see Laver, 1980). Originally part of a full British upper-class dialect or sociolect (since perhaps the sixteenth century) with other distinctive lexical and idiomatic features (Honey, 1989: 41), it used to confer special prestige on its speakers and opened many doors to jobs, to commissions in the armed forces, and in the marriage market. Until very recently its acquisition justified investment for one's children in especially expensive forms of education, at the most socially prestigious “public” schools like Eton and Harrow (and comparable schools for girls), followed by Cambridge or Oxford. It must further be noted that, beyond the groups of its own speakers, it could also arouse a degree of ridicule, and is now less common. Outside England (and especially the south of England), the unmarked form of RP may itself be regarded as hyperlectal (i.e., carrying overtones of social pretentiousness outside its own group of speakers), and this is also true for Scotland (and Scottish English has other hyperlectal forms of its own) and for former British possessions overseas like Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, Hong Kong, and Singapore, where a distinctive local accent has become established whose most educated variety is the effective model in the educational system and the preferred form for radio and TV newsreaders. (On the relative status of RP in Nigeria and in Hong Kong, compare Ufumata, 1990, with Bolton and Kwok, 1990.) In Australia, a vast country with remarkably little regional accent variation, it has been estimated that about a third of Australians speak with what is known as a broad Australian accent, just over half with a general Australian accent,dan menggunakan kira-kira satu persepuluh Australia, berkaitan dengan pendidikan (McCrum et al., 1986:294). Di Afrika Selatan, ciri-ciri loghat biasanya membuat ia mungkin untuk membezakan antara penutur bahasa Inggeris standard antara bahasa ibunda Bahasa Inggeris-Speaker, Afrikaans-Speaker, bahasa ibunda penutur bahasa Afrika, dan "coloreds" (orang-orang yang bercampur-campur bangsa), dan sering juga Afrika Selatan India. Borang-borang ini dua loghat standard Bahasa Inggeris British kini hidup bersama dengan pelbagai loghat tempatan yang adalah pengganti-pengganti jisim bentuk-bentuk pertuturan tempatan Britain zaman pertengahan. Pembaca di klasik novel Wuthering Heights (1847) berhadapan dengan banyak dilafazkan baffling seperti "Apa itu abaht Allah, seeght girt eedle!" (iaitu, apa yang telah berlaku kepadanya, cermin mata besar terbiar!) di dalam mulut hamba itu Yusuf: mereka mewakili Emily Bronte percubaan untuk menghasilkan semula dialek pertuturan sebahagian tertentu daripada Yorkshire sekitar tarikh tersebut. Kesukaran melampau memahami lexis, tatabahasa, dan loghat penceramah tersebut dihadapi pelawat di semua bahagian di Britain pada masa itu, tetapi kemajuan tidak dapat disekat (sudah dirujuk) penyeragaman bermakna menjelang pertengahan abad ke hadir-ia adalah sukar bagi penyelidik untuk mencari sesiapa sahaja yang masih bercakap loghat borang yang lama dengan mana-mana tahap meyakinkan "kesucian." Penceramah-penceramah yang kebanyakan telah pun diadaptasi dalam pelbagai aspek, ke arah standard, walaupun loghat mereka masih kuat keterangan Persatuan tempatan mereka. Oleh itu, adalah perkara biasa di England bagi Speaker, terutama orang-orang yang telah mengalami pendidikan lanjutan, untuk menggunakan satu bentuk Bahasa Inggeris yang sepenuhnya standard berkaitan dengan tatabahasa, kosa kata, dan peribahasa, tetapi untuk berbuat demikian dengan loghat yang tidak mata ganjaran (iaitu kepelbagaian tidak bertanda) tetapi sesuatu antara ganjaran dan aksennya tempatan di mana dialek bersejarah telah sekali bercakap. Dan kita juga hadapi banyak penceramah, begitu juga dari latar belakang pengajian lanjutan, yang bercakap bentuk sepenuhnya Bahasa Inggeris Baku sama tetapi loghat yang telah berpindah sangat dekat dengan mata ganjaran yang belum berhenti fractionally kekurangan itu, mengekalkan kecil kesan terhadap loghat ciri-ciri ciri-ciri latar belakang mereka serantau. Dalam kes terkini kesan ini boleh kaitkan dengan hanya satu atau dua bunyi yang tipikal, namun ini adalah mencukupi untuk menyebabkan speaker dikenal pasti datang dari rantau itu. Contoh-contoh terkenal dari kehidupan masyarakat British adalah pemimpin-pemimpin parti politik bekas Neil Kinnock dan Sir David keluli, dan penyiar Brian Redhead, masing-masing daripada mereka mempunyai dalam pelbagai aspek kesan (walaupun kecil) kecil yang loghat serantau, namun setiap dari mereka dianggap sebagai "sangat" Welsh, atau Scotland, atau Utara negara (madu, 1989:81 – 2).1.4 kontinum loghatThe notion of a continuum or spectrum of linguistic variation, developed by Stewart (1964) and Bickerton (1971), employs a useful categorization of linguistic features as spread along a line which shows clustering around the acrolect (high prestige, standard variety), the basilect (the broadest form of popular speech, which for Australians, for example, involves a third of the population, but whose traditional form in Britain is now found only among “elderly people with little education” (Trudgill,1983b: 187), and, in between them, the mesolect, the speech of the majority of the population. In using this to describe accent variety in British English, two considerations outlined above suggest refinements of this categorization to include the additional positions hyperlect (representing the socially privileged “marked RP” accent, i.e., the “posh” as opposed to the standard accent); and paralect to describe that variety which is very close to RP but retains a few tiny nonstandard features. In this typology, a speaker with barely perceptible nonstandard traces is described as having a close paralect of RP, one with more salient traces (but still very much closer to RP than to, say, the regional mesolect) a broad paralect; and, depending on situation and register (see section 1.9), might switch between these two paralects, or even between these and RP. We note that the speaker's level of education is the most obvious factor associated with a speaker's movement leftward along the continuum and in the direction of RP, though not always right up to it.

Results (Malay) 2:

1.3 Dua bentuk RP Konotasi prestij yang melampirkan ke British English RP tidak boleh, bagaimanapun, dibenarkan untuk mengaburi hakikat bahawa istilah selimut ini sendiri merangkumi dua bentuk loghat, yang dengan mudah boleh dilabelkan sebagai "ditandakan" dan "tidak bertanda" RP, di mana tanda-tanda adalah petunjuk keistimewaan sosial khas atau keinginan. Walaupun bentuk tidak memberikan apa-apa petunjuk tentang rantau orang yang bercakap asal, RP tidak bertanda adalah pelbagai yang arus perdana, konvensional yang berkaitan dengan BBC newsreaders dan juga dengan guru-guru sekolah, doktor, dan setiausaha. RP ketara dikaitkan dengan ahli-ahli (kecuali pada masa kini yang lebih muda) daripada keluarga diraja, dengan golongan bangsawan, dan dengan generasi yang lebih tua daripada tentera kanan dan pegawai tentera laut dan guru universiti di Cambridge dan Oxford. Di antara ciri-ciri, sebutan [N] dalam kata-kata seperti selalunya, salib, dan kain paling mudah mengenal pasti pelbagai ini loghat RP untuk orang-orang native yang mendengarnya, seperti juga kecenderungan untuk memberi kata-kata seperti benar-benar dan jarang sebutan yang sama, atau untuk bergerak (dengan Prince Charles) abite hice itu. Seperti semua aksen, RP ditanda sering melibatkan penetapan articulatory yang tersendiri (lihat Honikman, 1964) yang seterusnya memberikan pembesar kualiti suara tersendiri (lihat Laver, 1980). Pada asalnya sebahagian daripada British dialek kelas atasan penuh atau sociolect (sejak mungkin abad keenam belas) dengan ciri-ciri lain yang tersendiri leksikal dan simpulan bahasa (Honey, 1989: 41), ia digunakan untuk memberi prestij khas pada pembesar dan membuka banyak pintu kepada peluang pekerjaan, kepada komisen dalam angkatan tentera, dan dalam pasaran perkahwinan itu. Sehingga baru-baru pengambilalihan wajar pelaburan untuk kanak-kanak seseorang dalam bentuk terutama mahal pendidikan, di paling sosial berprestij sekolah "awam" seperti Eton dan Harrow (dan sekolah-sekolah yang setanding untuk perempuan), diikuti oleh Cambridge atau Oxford. Ia juga perlu diambil perhatian bahawa, di luar kumpulan penceramah sendiri, ia juga boleh menimbulkan tahap ejekan, dan kini kurang biasa. Di luar England (dan terutamanya di selatan England), bentuk yang tidak dikawal daripada RP sendiri boleh dianggap sebagai hyperlectal (iaitu, membawa berbau pretentiousness sosial di luar kumpulan sendiri penceramah), dan ini juga benar untuk Scotland (dan Scotland Bahasa Inggeris mempunyai bentuk hyperlectal lain yang tersendiri) dan bekas harta benda British di luar negara seperti Australia, New Zealand, Afrika Selatan, Hong Kong, dan Singapura, di mana loghat tempatan yang tersendiri telah menjadi ditubuhkan yang paling berpendidikan pelbagai adalah model yang berkesan dalam sistem dan pendidikan bentuk pilihan untuk radio dan TV newsreaders. (Pada status relatif RP di Nigeria dan di Hong Kong, membandingkan Ufumata, 1990, dengan Bolton dan Kwok, 1990.) Di Australia, sebuah negara yang luas dengan amat sedikit perbezaan loghat serantau, ia telah dianggarkan bahawa kira-kira satu pertiga daripada Australia bercakap dengan apa yang dikenali sebagai loghat Australia luas, hanya lebih setengah dengan loghat Australia umum, dan kira-kira satu kegunaan kesepuluh ditanam Australia, yang dikaitkan terutamanya dengan pendidikan (McCrum et al, 1986:. 294). Di Afrika Selatan, ciri-ciri loghat biasanya membuat ia mungkin untuk membezakan antara penutur standard bahasa Inggeris sebagai antara bahasa ibunda penutur bahasa Inggeris, Afrikaans-penceramah, penceramah bahasa ibunda bahasa Afrika, dan "berwarna" (orang-orang dari bangsa campuran), dan sering juga Afrika Selatan berketurunan India. Kedua-dua bentuk loghat standard bahasa Inggeris British kini wujud bersama dengan pelbagai jenis loghat tempatan yang merupakan pengganti jisim bentuk ucapan tempatan zaman pertengahan Britain. Pembaca novel klasik Wuthering Heights (1847) berhadapan dengan banyak ucapan-ucapan yang membingungkan seperti "Apa yang dia abaht, girt eedle seeght!" (Iaitu, Apa yang telah berlaku kepadanya, cermin mata terbiar yang hebat!) Dalam mulut hamba itu Joseph: Mereka mewakili cubaan Emily Bronte untuk menghasilkan semula ucapan dialek di bahagian tertentu Yorkshire sekitar tarikh itu. Kesukaran melampau memahami lexis, tatabahasa, dan loghat penceramah seperti yang dihadapi pengunjung di semua bahagian Britain pada masa itu, tetapi kemajuan yang tidak dapat disekat (sudah disebut) piawaian bermakna bahawa menjelang pertengahan abad ini ia adalah sukar bagi penyelidik untuk mencari sesiapa sahaja yang masih bercakap bentuk dialek lama dengan mana-mana tahap yang meyakinkan "kesucian." Kebanyakan orang ketika itu disesuaikan, dalam darjah yang berbeza-beza, ke arah standard, walaupun aksen mereka masih hujah yang kukuh persatuan tempatan mereka. Ia adalah itu perkara biasa di England untuk pembesar suara, terutama mereka yang telah mengalami pendidikan yang panjang, menggunakan bentuk bahasa Inggeris yang sepenuhnya standard berkenaan dengan tatabahasa, perbendaharaan kata, dan simpulan bahasa, tetapi untuk berbuat demikian dengan loghat yang tidak RP (iaitu, pelbagai yang tidak bertanda) tetapi sesuatu antara RP dan aksen tempatan di mana dialek bersejarah pernah dituturkan. Dan kita juga menghadapi banyak orang, begitu juga dari latar belakang pendidikan lanjutan, yang bertutur dalam bentuk yang sama standard sepenuhnya Inggeris tetapi mempunyai aksen telah berpindah sangat dekat dengan RP belum berhenti fractionally pendek itu, mengekalkan kesan kecil loghat mempunyai ciri-ciri mereka latar belakang serantau. Dalam kes kedua kesan ini mungkin berkaitan dengan hanya satu atau dua bunyi biasa, namun ini adalah mencukupi untuk menyebabkan pembesar suara untuk dilihat seperti yang datang dari rantau itu. Contoh terkenal dari kehidupan awam British adalah pemimpin parti politik bekas Neil Kinnock dan Sir David Steel, dan penyiar Brian Redhead, setiap daripada mereka mempunyai di pelbagai peringkat kecil (walaupun kecil) kesan loghat serantau, namun setiap daripada mereka adalah pandang sebagai "sangat" Wales, atau Scotland, atau utara desa (Madu, 1989: 81-2). 1.4 kontinum loghat Tanggapan yang berterusan atau spektrum variasi linguistik, yang dibangunkan oleh Stewart (1964) dan Bickerton (1971 ), menggaji kategorisasi berguna ciri-ciri linguistik yang tersebar di atas garis yang menunjukkan kelompok sekitar akrolek yang (prestij yang tinggi, pelbagai standard), basilect yang (bentuk yang paling luas bersuara popular, yang bagi Australia, sebagai contoh, melibatkan satu pertiga daripada penduduk, tetapi yang tradisional bentuk di Britain kini hanya terdapat di kalangan "orang tua dengan pengetahuan yang banyak" (Trudgill, 1983b: 187), dan, di antara mereka, mesolect itu, ucapan majoriti penduduk Di menggunakan ini untuk. menggambarkan pelbagai loghat dalam Bahasa Inggeris British, dua pertimbangan yang digariskan di atas mencadangkan perbaikan pengkategorian ini untuk memasukkan kedudukan hyperlect tambahan (mewakili istimewa sosial "ditandakan RP" loghat, iaitu, "mewah" yang bertentangan dengan loghat standard); dan paralect untuk menggambarkan bahawa pelbagai yang sangat dekat dengan RP tetapi mengekalkan beberapa ciri-ciri yang tidak standard kecil. Dalam tipologi ini, penceramah dengan kesan yang tidak standard hampir tidak jelas digambarkan sebagai mempunyai paralect dengan RP, satu dengan kesan yang lebih penting (tetapi masih lagi lebih dekat dengan RP daripada, katakan, mesolect serantau) seorang paralect luas; dan, bergantung kepada keadaan dan daftar (lihat bahagian 1.9), mungkin bertukar antara kedua-dua paralects, atau antara ini dan RP. Kita perhatikan bahawa tahap speaker pendidikan adalah faktor yang paling jelas yang berkaitan dengan pergerakan penceramah ini ke arah kiri di sepanjang kontinum dan ke arah RP, walaupun tidak sentiasa betul sehingga ia.